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Full text of "The Scottish friend of Frederic the Great, the last Earl Marischall"

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"He was called the King's Friend, and was the only one who had 
deserved that title, for he always stood high in his favour without 
flattering him." DUTENS. 

With a photogravure frontispiece and 16 other illustrations 
in half-tone 






Published in 1915 





1755 TO JUNE 1756 17 


JANUARY 1757 TO OCTOBER 1758 ... 43 

1758 61 

JULY AND AUGUST 1759 . . . 68 





JANUARY 1759 TO APRIL 1760 .... 76 

AUGUST TO NOVEMBER 1760 .... 91 


JANUARY TO MAY 1762 113 

MAY TO NOVEMBER 1762 . . . .125 

AUGUST 1762 TO MARCH 1763 . . . .146 

JANUARY TO MAY 1763 157 

MAY TO JULY 1763 166 





JANUARY 1763 TO MARCH 1764 . . .182 

APRIL TO JUNE 1764 193 

JULY TO OCTOBER 1764 . . . . 201 

AUTUMN 1764 TO FEBRUARY 1765 . . . 214 

SPRING TO OCTOBER 1765 .... 224 



NOVEMBER 1765 TO MARCH 1766 . . .256 

JULY 1766 TO MARCH 1767 . . . .265 

1766 TO 1768 . 280 


DECEMBER 1768 TO MAY 1778 . . -292 


1780 TO 1820 307 


INDEX 317 




OP SCOTLAND ..... Frontispiece 

In the Public Library, Neuchatel. 

NEUCHATEL IN 1726 ....... 4 

From an engraving by Nicolet. 




By Francesco Trevisani. From a portrait at Keith Hall, in the possession of 
the Earl of Kintore 

OLD MADRID ......... 80 

From the collection of A. M. Broadley. 



KOUSSEAU ......... 128 

In the Library at Nenchfttel. 


From the collection of A. M. Broadley. 

KEITH HALL ......... 172 

From an old firescreen in the possession of the Earl of Kintore. 

OLD EDINBURGH ........ 184 

From the collection of A. M. Broadley. 






By George Mason. From a portrait in the Council Chambers at Peterhead. 


DAVID HUME . . . . . 252 

Prom an engraving in the British Museum. 


From a drawing by Ilbraham, his valet, in the possession of the Marquis of 


From a portrait at Carberry Tower, in the possession of Lord Elpbinstone. 




THE " canny Scot," before embarking upon his new 
appointment, wrote for full particulars respecting 
Neuchatel and the position of its Governor. Madame 
de Natalis, the widow of the late Governor, a Prussian 
officer of Huguenot extraction, sent him the following 
details, which throw light on the principality and on 
life there. 

The Governor of Neuchatel received from the Grand 
Directory at Berlin eight hundred livres German a year, 
and seven hundred francs from the rent of the salt 
tax. During the session of the States he received daily 
four silver Neuchatel crowns. Also a petty cash allow- 
ance of seventy to one hundred francs a year. For 
affixing the greater or lesser seals to legal documents 
a fee. Two large fields of hay, one at Corset, and one 
at Val de Ruz. No bread, but twelve hogsheads of 
wheat, twelve of oats, nine of wine, six red and six 
white, of the best vintage. The miller was supposed 
to furnish two hundred and twenty-five pounds of hemp, 
but only gave two hundred, and it was only fit for 
fl 1 


servants and kitchen. For his stable the Governor 
received three hundred and twenty-five trusses of hay. 
He also had two barrels of salt a year, and on New Year's 
Day wood and coals. Madame de Natalis forgot what 
quantity, " but it was often hardly sufficient." It had 
been reduced in 1749 to a hundred and twenty-four 
feet of beech-wood, the same of fir-wood, and a hundred 
and sixty sacks of coals. 

While no milk was provided, all the beef tongues in 
the city of Neuchatel were the perquisite of the Governor. 
He possessed two vineyards, now farmed out. The 
fishing was let, but on all the trout caught two hundred 
pounds were due to the Governor. While it was com- 
monly claimed that the shooting was free to all, it really 
belonged to the Governor, and certainly the partridge 
and quail shooting was his alone. Yet Madame de 
Natalis complained that he had to pay for what was 
brought him, such as a piece of every roe and deer, with 
the skin, and all the heads of the wild boar, which were 
really his by right. The King paid the gardener, who 
was old and might be replaced ; he also paid for the 
planting. Only a year after taking up the reins of 
government did the Governor's revenue come in ; it was 
therefore always a year in arrear. 

There were no running footmen in the country, and 
no good cooks. The Neuchatelois did not make good 
servants, and all servants received food as well as wages. 

Linen was made in the country, fine, but dear. No 
carriages were made, and no harness, as the leather 
was bad. Poultry was dear, especially capons and 
turkeys ; the best came from Bern ; the geese were 
small. Coffee and sugar were dear, but good ; the land 
grew no truffles, nor good vegetables. Those from 
Geneva were the best. Every four years it was necessary 
to provide new vegetable seed. Figs were good, and 


ripened well ; good, also, were the plums, mirabels, 
apricots, pears of all sorts, and the apples. But there 
were no chestnuts, nor melons, and no oranges nor 
pomegranates ripened. A poor prospect, indeed, for 
such a vegetarian as old Milord ! 

His Excellency arrived at Neuchatel on September 20th, 
1754, " as tired as a dog," he wrote to the King, " with 
the bad roads and worse weather, though as I came 
near here it turned fine." 

" The first night that I entered Switzerland they gave me cherries 
at the inn, the second strawberries and raspberries. I was some- 
what alarmed, as the cherries were not yet ripe ; but in the castle 
to which Your Majesty's kindness has invalided me I have had, 
up till now, Spanish weather and the finest view in the world. I 
have already undergone many speeches, every one privately, and 
everyone as a body has harangued me, and I have still many 
awaiting me. My grandeur acquits itself very badly in reply; I 
did better in church this morning, where the boredom occasioned 
by the sermon doubtless passed for a contrite air. I hope the 
' Venerable Classe ' (title given to the Synod) was edified by my 
countenance ; I have naturally a sad and Calvinistic phiz. In 
eight days the ceremonies will be over, and I beg Your Majesty to 
believe that I will do my best in your affairs." 

The journal of Abraham Sandol, justice and civil 
lieutenant of the mountain village of de Chaux de 
Fonds, gives us a description of Milord MarechaFs 
arrival at Neuchatel to take up the reins of government. 

" We followed in the suite of the Council to enter the castle in 
procession at ten o'clock. The grenadiers lined the road. After 
the townspeople of Lander on had entered, the door of the grand 
poele (great hall) was shut and then the President of the Council 
explained why the corporations of the State had been convoked, 
and he appointed a deputation to introduce Milord Marechal. The 
deputation, composed of councillors, mayors, and procureurs, went 
out through the crowd and between the ranks of the sentries. Re- 
turning with Monseigneur, they conducted him to the dais of the 


hall, where M. the President asked him to be seated and showed 
the patent of the Kings, which he read, and asked the opinion of the 
Councillors of State, who, called by name, approved by a bow. 
Monseigneur rose to take the oath, administered to him by the 
President, by raising his hand. Then the sceptre was committed 
to him, and all were seated. The President made a speech, to which 
Monseigneur replied, and the Procureur General dismissed the 
assembly. We joined on to the Council to pass the foot of the 
dais, and make our bow, and then we went down in procession to 
the ' XIII Cantons, 5 and went to dine with M. Sinnet." 

Early in October the Earl Marischall wrote to his 
brother already complaining of the climate of a residence 
1,400 feet above the sea. " The season had been par- 
ticularly cold, and the wines admirable." He enclosed 
a letter from Goring. Nor did he forget that other poor 
castaway, Elcho. No sooner had Milord settled at 
Neuchatel than he hastened to have his friend natural- 
ized as a Prussian subject in Neuchatel, and asked for 
an appointment for him as chamberlain at the Court 
at Berlin. But as Elcho was already attached to the 
French Army, though without pay, he could not hold 
such a post. 

The Prussian Government, as His Excellency soon 
discovered, was on better terms with the State Council 
than with the Compagnie des Pasteurs. It was the old 
story of the struggle between the civil and the ecclesi- 
astical authorities. The Venerable Classe arrogated to 
themselves the authority in affairs of State, wielded in 
the Middle Ages by the Canons of the Collegiate Church 
on the castle hill. Neuchatel was pastor-ridden. Very 
soon after Milord's arrival he had his first bout with 
the divines. The State Council desired to confer with 
the Classe as to rescinding the somewhat mediaeval 
punishment of Public Penances inflicted on fallen 
women. The Classe wished to continue them for all 
but first offenders. The matter was referred to the 


King. Such methods were naturally not in keeping 
with Frederic's enlightened government in Prussia. 
Moreover, he misunderstood a remark in one of the new 
Governor's letters, and, imagining that the torture of 
" the question/' abolished eight years previously in 
Prussia, was still inflicted in his principality, was pro- 
portionately horrified. 

" MY DEAR MYLORD, I am very surprised at the barbarity which 
still pertain in the laws of your province, after having abrogated 
in the whole land the remains of the savage customs of our ancient 
Teutons. You will do me the favour, and I authorize immediately 
that the inquisition and the penance of the Magdelens ceases. I 
feel that I shall be obliged to send down there someone connected 
with justice to put the law on the same footing that I have established 
here. I congratulate you on having secured the end of the speeches, 
but I hope you will have one to-morrow, and if I did not think it 
would importune you I would add a Ciceronian harangue of my 
own, although I hope that you will believe, without a speech, that 
I wish you a thousand good things on the first of January as on the 
last of December, and that I am, with all possible esteem and friend- 
ship, your sincere friend. 

" Further about Voltaire, my dear mylord. The lunatic has 
gone to Avignon, where my sister has sent for him. I fear very 
much she will soon repent of it." 

A strenuous struggle went on between the Council 
and the Classe. It was on a question of morals. A few 
years later the Governor had to face a far fiercer fight 
between the two authorities over a question of dogma. 
It was just at this moment that the latter question 
began to arise, a little cloud no bigger than a man's 

In the mountain village of La Sagne is shown to this 
day a house with seven chimneys, the seventh left 
unfinished. The story goes that the workmen began 
quarrelling about eternal punishment, and so the build- 
ing was never completed. It may well be true, and, 


if so, it throws an interesting light on the mental capacity 
and intelligence of the peasants of this remote village 
in the Jura in the mid-eighteenih century, and explains 
the disturbances to which the argument subsequently 

Ferdinand Olivier Petitpierre, pastor of Pont de 
Martel, near La Sagne, was a deep thinker, an earnest 
man of quiet courage. Deeply influenced by Marie 
Huberts book on " Eeligions of the World/' which had 
recently appeared at Geneva, he began, in 1754, to 
preach to his little mountain flock the doctrine of non- 
eternity of punishment. At La Sagne, Pastor Prince 
upheld everlasting damnation, a fundamental doctrine 
of Calvinism to which he had subscribed on entering 
the ministry. The divergent opinions were hotly 
taken up in the two villages, and, as we have seen, led 
to blows. As yet, however, the dispute did not spread, 
nor did it come to His Excellency's ears, though from 
the following letter to his brother it is apparent that 
from the beginning of his appointment he saw that he 
would have to reckon with the despotism of the Classe. 


"... I am sorry to hear of your cold, which was not without 
asthma. ... I have mine, rhumatisme, cramps, hoarseness . . . the 
ice is above 13 inches thick. I suppose it might pass even at Peters- 
burg for sufficient : it hinders the cheese from going. You will not 
have it as soon as I intended. 

" The King mistook what I said, the question has been abolished 
of sometime, the stool of repentance shall be as soon as I can ; 
but there is management to be used with Venerable Classe, whose 
power is too great. A Councillor told them lately, when they were 
insisting on the rights of the Church, Je vois done il faut nous reformer 
encore, and little by little some reformation will not be amiss. The 
King is not master here to do all the good he can ; they have their 
privileges, of which they are most jealous, and it is not always easy 
to engage them even to their own advantage. They cannot be 


persuaded not to destroy the game in pairing time, which is all asked 
of them. If I get credit with them by degrees I hope to bring them 
to reason, for by force it is not to be attempted, nor to be wished, 
for without all doubt it is liberty that makes this country peopled : 
the climate is bad, for even in summer it is bad when the evening 
comes, cold to the inhabitants. The soil is mostly artificial : rocks, 
with some earth laid on them to plant vines, supported by 50 
terrasses well built one above another. I defy the power of the 
Grand Monarch and his fermiers generaux to the bargain to cultivate 
a country as this is, where every one works for himself, and knows 
well it is for himself. The industry of the inhabitants of the moun- 
tains in different handy crafts is extraordinary ; constraint or 
taxes would make them all desert ; they would emediately decamp 
to Bern and elsewhere. 

" Don't say any more to Comte Podevals of my expence in furni- 
ture ; all the Governors have had the same : it is true the last come 
has the most, because the bad that was is at an end. I hope in 
some time to get above water ; but I own to you I doubt if I can 
stand this climate, nor live in prison six months of every year ; tho' 
the people are to my liking and their way of living." 

" DE LAPPONIE ce 31 Jan. 1755. 

" Hospidar General, je crois que vous vous repentir du mal que 
le froid vous donne a Berlin et aussi de celui que je souffre ici, car 
je vous ecris quasi tous les jours, enferme comme je suis depuis 
plus d'un mois et mon encrier aupres de moy pour signer ordonances, 
passeports &ea. vous serez plus en repos 1'ete quand j'iray paitre 
mes vaches a Colombier. 

" vous avez entendre parler des magnifiques meubles que j'ay 
trouve ici, et dont selon mes ordres j'ay envoye une inventaire signe 
par le procureur de Roy et 1'Intendant des batiments mais vous 
n'auriez pas devine que cela ne suffit pas, et qu'il faut en registret cet 
inventaire dans les livres du Conseil d'etat par ordre Expres du Roy 
dont il sait autant que le grand Mogol. c'est apparemment pour 
empecher un Coquin de gouverneur de s'approprier cet Tresor. il 
y a cependant un inconvenient, pace tantorum Virorum dixerim, ce 
qu'il faut tous les jours un nouvel inventaire au registres or archives, 
puisque tous les jours, quelque morceau perir de vieillesse. Des 
douze chaises de parade des mes Predecesseurs, de bois garnis au 
font d'un gros drap verd (ce sont les chaises au moins et non pas 
les Gouverneurs qui sont de bois) il y en a deja quelqu'un s'y assoit 


imprudemment, les quatre pieds s'ecartent, et il tombent a terre, 
comme hier est arrive au Capitaine Marvel. Or ! Louons a toute 
outrance (comme dit Brantome) le Grand Directoire qui veille avec 
tant d'attention aux interets de S. M. 

" Je vous envoye copie d'une note que j'ay eu d'un bien bon 
home, qui avoit entre ses mains un Depositum, Lacradink 1'entendra 
et vous 1'expliquera. vous ne parler pas de lui depuis long terns ; 
j'ay peur qu'il ne soit mort, et que qu'Acun de vos lettres ne soit 
perdu, dites lui s'il vit encore, que Dozon me fait ecrire souvent : 
Entre autres maux qui lui sont arrives un des plus grands est de se 
croire au dessu de son metier ; il veut etre officier. je n'entens 
point parler de l'accomplissement des promesses qui lui furent 
faits. bon soir. 

" notre Tante Lady Betty est tres mal, le Cure lui a refuse le 
Sacrament, son mari a eu recours au Parliament, le Cure a ete 
decrete deprise de corps, tout cela afflige trop le pauvre M. L. 
Edward (Drummond). 

" P.S. pour vous donner une Idee du bon etat du chatau, au moms 
en partie, je vous diray que j'ay trouve dans une des chambres 
le planchet tellement pourri qu'il etoit deja converti en bon terran, 
et est actuellement dans jardin comme tel. Karl assure qu'il est 
tres bon pour les melons. 

"Fev: 2d. 

" Gut Morgen, Bruder Suiss, j'ay a vous envoyer la patente de 
Bourgeois de Neufchatel. comme je crois que vous ecriver au 4 
Ministraux pour les en remercier et le Corps de la Bourgeosie de 
Neufchatel (non pas de Valengin) j'ajoute leur adresse. A Messieurs 
les quatre Ministraux de la Ville de Neufchatel en Suisse." 

With but small resources of his own, the new Governor 
was in some difficulty as to the furnishing of the Castle 
of Neuchatel, where he had taken up his residence for 
the winter in a suite of rooms to the south, looking 
down over the town on to the lake and the Bernese 
Oberland mountains beyond it. He was much attracted 
also by Colombier for a summer retreat, and wished to 
make habitable the vast old castle, dating from the 
fourteenth century, while the extremely fertile grounds 
around it, and the beautiful lime avenues, offered great 


possibilities in the way of gardening. The King, 
hearing of the difficulty, was as thoughtful as ever over 
his old friend. Milord wrote to his brother that he had 
sent in to Berlin, as the King had specially ordered, an 
inventory of all the furniture of Colombier to be regis- 
tered in the books of the Council as royal property. 

Always interested in his friends' friends, Frederic 
wrote sympathetically over Goring's death, which took 
place soon after his arrival in Berlin. 

" February 20th, 1755. 

" MY DEAR GOVERNOR, I am delighted to see you busy with 
such useful objects for your little province. One perceives that 
the laws of all countries bear traces of the time in which they were 
promulgated, and there was a mark of barbarism remaining which 
at last one will be able to get rid of. We are having a winter here 
which outdoes yours. In all my life I have never seen a worse ; it 
has proved fatal to many people. Madame de Keyserlingk has 
died of it, and your friend Gorin [perhaps Goryn or Goring] after 
having struggled for a long time against the infirmities and the 
weakness the result of the campaign of young Edward, has at last 
succumbed ; he died in four days of an inflammatory fever. I am 
very glad that his long illness prevented my really becoming ac- 
quainted with him, as it would have made me regret him more. He 
has the consolation after his death that every one speaks well of him. 
Adieu, my dear Mylord ; I wish you a long life, a warm climate, 
heaps of pleasure, and that you may not forget your friends, among 
whom I hope you count me." 

Social life in Neuchatel, doubtless, seemed dull to an 
habitue of Madame Geoffrin's salon. The Mercure 
Suisse gave a false air of intellectual activity. Trade 
and manufacture absorbed the minds of the people. 
Bouquet, indeed, and Ostervald, had deeply influenced 
science and letters during the first half of the century ; 
but they had left no disciples. Society imagined itself 
cultivated because it danced and sang in excellent 
private theatricals, and sent little verses to the news- 


papers. But, with the exception of Dupuyron, Escherney , 
and a few others, with whom Milord soon became 
intimate, no one cared for anything deeper. ; * When 
it was a question of a book like * I/Esprit des Lois/ ' 
wrote a well-born woman, who suffered from this super- 
ficiality, " no one took but a passing interest. Cards, 
rimperiale [all fours] and the latest news about the 
vintage absorb every one." 

There was a kind of club, the Cercle du Jardin, very 
exclusive and narrow. Milord seems to have looked 
askance at it, as we see by a letter, a few years later, 
when Colonel Chaillet was elected a member. He 
sarcastically dubbed it the " Sixth Estate." 

" So you are received in this noble sixth body, from which I 
expect you will retire, for I remember My lord Wemyss said to me : 
' Wee will admit no one who does not think as we do,' and at that 
time he thought like a Gavocho [Spanish for wretch. Was it a 
nickname applied by Mylord Marechal to a set of people ?]. You 
will never be orthodox in this society. William Tel [another nick- 
name] seems to think that he has some personal grudge against 
you, otherwise he is too clever to have opposed your admission all 
by himself. You are the best fellow in the world, and you have no 
more spite than a lamb, I was going to say a calf, when I thought 
of your action in support of the Banneret ; this famous Garden 
was founded by Gavochos, and I think it really remains the same. 
Never mind, write to His Excellency M. de Haguen about the dues 
of the Garden owing to tin sovereign, and if he speaks to me about it 
I will try and r 1 -* ; >u sej vice ; I much approve that when favours 
are done you t jat you more than repay them, and if I speak to the 
Minister of this affair, it will be entirely out of consideration for 

Milord must have imparted his views on Neuchatel 
society to Frederic, for the King waxes sarcastic, with, as 
usual, a gibe at the priests. 

" I have noticed," he wrote, " that man requires a spectacle, and 
is fond of it. Where there is no play or opera, one may be sure that 


the sacred Scaramouch will occupy and influence minds. If your town 
kept up a theatre, you could contrast Harlequin with Scaramouch, 
and gradually the latter would lose his influence ; but I do not 
think that Neuchatel is civilized enough to abandon itself to such 
pleasures of polite nations." 

His Excellency appreciated the mountaineers more 
than the townsfolk. And, indeed, far in advance of the 
peasants of other lands were these dwellers on the pine- 
clad slopes and in the high valleys of the Jura, as regards 
education, intelligence, inventive genius, and technical 
training. They turned well to account the long winter 
evenings they perforce spent pent up in their substantial, 
broad-eaved, stone cottages with the long, sloping gable, 
handed down from father to son, and even to-day forming 
a contrast to the Swiss chalet with its woodwork. At 
the period of which we write they had become apt and 
delicate mechanics, and something of inventors. Watch- 
making was a great trade, and Neuchatel watches were 
famous all over Europe. The people were comfortably 
off, independent in feeling and in manner, and living 
in communes, had something in common in the way 
of land-ownership. To a great extent self-governing, 
they were tinged with republicanism, yet patriotic. 
Moreover, they were fine soldiers to boot, and every 
army to which they hired themselves out appreciated 
the Neuchatel regiments. 

The summer following his arrival, His Excellency 
paid a little visit to Chaux de Fonds, a thriving village 
in the Val de Ruz. 

Justice Sandol again we quote, as his simple diary 
gives light on the life of the period of the Neuchatel folk 
and Milord's dealings with them. 

"July 1th. The committee about the reception of Milord 
Marechal assembled, and a letter was sent to Neuchatel to be in- 
formed as to the exact hour he would arrive. 


" 9th. To market, to church, and to the committee meeting to 
arrange and order the repast for the reception of Milord and his 
suite. We settled with Mde Humbert that the dinner on Tuesday 
should be for fifteen persons without counting governor Robert, at 
50 batz a head, and that the table should remain spread till the 
evening in order that those of the suite who wished could come and 
have supper, and that what was ordered should be paid for then 
afresh. The servants will have three meals at ten batz a head, 
including each a bottle of wine, and without counting a meal for 
the Sautier of the commune ; . . . The committee having tasted 
the wine ; . . . 

" 10th. Bought of Captain Humbert scarlet cloth for a horse's 
saddle-cloth which I gave the saddler to make up. Made a chande- 
lier of fifteen candles for a pyramid over the entrance gate for 
illumination. I repolished my mounted bridle. Then I mounted 
on horseback to try the horses which are to compose the cavalcade 
of the townspeople who meet Milord, to the number of eighteen. 
We went for this purpose as far as up the Cret de Loche, back to 
the village, and made the round to the mills, and every one accom- 
panied me home. 

" 12th. I worked again at chandeliers for illuminations. The 
Lieutenant lets me know that Milord will arrive on Monday as 
Chaux de Fonds in the evening after having reviewed the troops, 
and from the report sent up by M. 1'Inspecteur Tribolet, Milord is 
much pleased with the reception we are preparing for him, except 
the defiling of the troops and the ringing of the bells on his arrival ; 
so that the town cavalry should rather follow the military on 
Monday at 10 o'ck in the morning. 

" 13th. After church we kept back the members of the commune 
to decide who should be present at Milord's repast. It was decided 
that it should be the Minister, the Maire if he were here, the Lieu- 
tenant and the Major. There we discussed if it was not for the 
commune to provide the powder and the hand grenades for firing 
of the healths during the repasts ; the captain of the grenadiers 
was ordered to provide the powder for the purpose up to five pounds 
if necessary. At the repast committee meeting, as we have heard 
that Milord only drank liqueur wines, it was decided that some 
must be procured to slacken his Excellency's thirst. 

" l&th. At 11 o'ck we all mounted our horses, to wit : all the 
military officers, and the town cavalry without uniform to the 
number of twenty, who followed them ; we met the Lieutenant, 


Colonels Chevalier and Perregaux near the Borne, above Mont de 
Sagne, where we dismounted, and waited for the arrival of Milord, 
who was still a long way off. Some time afterwards, the coach 
appeared, but Milord, who had taken the footpaths, came a little 
ahead ; the military officers made a circle, and Captain Brandt 
made a complimentary speech, which was not long ; the answer was 
even shorter, and Milord went on afoot as far as Boinod, where he 
got into his carriage ; the officers took the advance guard and the 
town cavalry the rear guard till the boundary of Sagne ; then, 
after the troops had been reviewed, His Excellence went into a 
tent where he dined off dishes provided by M. Sagne, of Boinod, and 
we, we ate what Mr. Abram -Henri, the Maire brought, that is to 
say, bread, meat, cheese, and wine ; spent six batz each, and gave 
a batz for each of our horses and half a batz to each of the two 
servants. We then rejoined the military, and let Milord and his 
suite pass on. ... Milord reached Chaux de Fonds at four o'clock, 
and put up at Abram Sagne, merchant. We lined the street below, 
and then the officers passed between us and we followed them to 
Mde Humbert's, where we bade them adieu. Justice Ferret and I 
we came and dressed to go and make our bow with the legal body 
who collected at the maison-de-ville ; we met them at the door 
headed by M. Matthey, prospective mayor, who made a little 
speech announcing that, in virtue of the patent received the evening 
before which ensures him the Mayoralty, he appeared before Milord, 
accompanied by the Justices, to assure him of our fidelity and de- 
votion to the person and interests of His Majesty, as also to request 
the powerful protection of His Excellency. Milord replied that, 
after the mountain he had crossed over and the road he had found, 
he did not hope to find such a pretty place and such well-built 
houses. We made him a bow. The Lieutenant begged me to 
accompany him to settle the billets, the future Mayor came and 
lodged at my house. We then all supped together, the military, 
ourselves, and the suite ; at our table were a dozen guests ; fish 
was served, roast, and salad, tart, fritters, &c. At ten o'clock all 
went out to see the illuminations. At every house was a pyramid 
over the doors of eighteen candles, every window below had six, the 
first floor four, and the attic one. We then went to bed, but first 
M. le Maire had the illumination extinguished. 

" 15th. The company was marched to the field Cernil des Arbres. 
Milord came there in a cart ; the drill was very well done, but the 
first firing was no good, and a second was ordered, which went off 


well. Milord and his suite came and placed themselves near the 
wall under the trees where the troops fired by fours, and the 
grenadiers, after having fired, each threw a grenade. The com- 
panies went down to the village again and Milord looked in for a 
moment at Uncle Robert's ; he then got on to the cart again and 
went to dine at Mde. Humbert's ; the grenadiers fired when the 
healths were drunk. About five in the evening Milord started to 
leave ; the horsemen mounted and lined the road in the middle of 
the village, they when Milord's carriage, he had Councillor Chaillet 
on his left, the officers marched in front and we let him pass, and 
formed the rear guard. The Justices and the military of Loche on 
horseback came to meet him near Jonas Montaudon's houses, and 
we followed as far as the great Plane tree, whence we returned in 
the same order to Mde Hambert's, where we said good-night and 
every one went home ; the horsemen accompanied me to opposite 
my house, where I had to sup the future mayor, Mr. Sandoz of 
Yverdon, and Jaquet Droy." 

When the winter was over His Excellency removed 
from the castle of Neuchatel to that of Colombier. 
Having renovated and furnished the interior, he turned 
his attention to making a garden. 

Three long, double avenues of limes, planted by 
Henri II of Orleans, Duke of Longueville and Count of 
Neuchatel, about 1660, lead from the towered gateway 
of the castle almost to the lake. The story of these 
avenues runs thus. The communes of Colombier and 
La Cote had gone bail for the Treasurer, Mouchet, and, 
when the latter failed, found themselves indebted to 
the State for a considerable sum. One day, as Henri II 
was returning from a walk, attended by his Chancellor, 
de Montmollin, the delegates of the encumbered com- 
munes flung themselves at his feet at the moment when 
he was entering the castle gate and implored him to 
remit a part of the debt. 

Bidding them rise, the Prince replied: "Certainly, 
my children, but do not go bail again ! " Then, turning 


to the meadow spread out behind him : "I have an 
idea/' he added, extending his hand with his fingers 
outspread. " You will plant three wide avenues of 
fine trees, converging on the spot where I stand, with 
small avenues on either side ; when that is done, my 
attorney-general, who is here, will give you a receipt 
for your debt as soon as he can write it under the shade 
of the trees which you are going to plant." 

Montmollin, in his Memoirs, recounts that the 
astounded villagers, who had only asked for a partial 
remission of their debt, failed to find words, upon seeing 
which, the Prince promptly added : " Quickly get 
your tools ready for the avenues, my children; I will 
work at them with you ! " 

In the two openings between the thr avenues, in the 
rich, alluvial soil, the Earl M?riscLaIl made the fine 
flower, fruit, and vegetable gardens, extending from 
castle to lake, which were his great delight and occu- 
pation. Here it was that he introduced the cultivation 
of the potato to Switzerland, serving that hitherto 
unknown tuber at his table. 

He had brought with him to Neuchatel his menagerie, 
" the result," he said, " of a concatination of circum- 
stances, which has given me this little horde of Tartars, 
with whom I get on very well " Ermetulla the Turk, 
Stepan the Kalmuck, Mocha the Negro, Ilbraham the 
Tibetan. The latter became converted to Christianity, 
despite his master, who never interfered with the 
religion of any one. Dean Chambrier, pastor of Colom- 
bier, baptized Ilbraham in the church there. Milord 
gave Ilbraham a plot of land for a garden, which 
adjoined the castle on the south-east, and, till quite 
recently, was still known as " Ilbraham 's Garden." But 
an artillery stable now stands upon the site. 

At Colombier Milord started a manufactory of ver- 


micelli, having brought a taste for pasta from Venice 
and Valencia. He planned a foundry of cannon and 
arms at Colombier, and translated a little book on 
ordnance from the Spanish, for the Spaniards and the 
Turks were at that period the gunsmiths of the world. 

Very soon after his arrival at Colombier Milord was 
joined by his young friend, Elcho, whose society was 
a great pleasure to him. Besides gardening, shooting 
in the forests on the lower slopes of Mont Boudry behind 
Colombier Milord was now too old for steep climbing 
and, above all, reading, were his occupations in this plea- 
sant summer retreat. He kept in touch with all new 
books which were worth reading, as the following letter 
to Madame de Marches shows, and became, with Erme- 
tulla, an early convert to Rousseau's doctrines. 

" I congratulate you on having the company of M. Rousseau. 
His essay [on the origin of inequality] printed in your country [at 
Amsterdam] had made two proselytes of me and my little savage 
Ermet Ulla ; but I hope he will have some indulgence for people 
to whom in their childhood people gave a bad and unnatural 
education. They taught me to talk, and it would be difficult to forget 
it ; I know how to read ; if M. Rousseau will but leave me what he 
has written himself, and an Ariosto, a Bozardo, a Ricciardetto, a 
little Swift and Voltaire, and the ' Pucelle ' when it appears, I will 
give up all other reading. As for writing I always disliked it. 
Those who know me will do me justice about that. I am ill at sea 
and I fear I am too old to become a wealthy American savage or a 
Hottentot ; but if M. Rousseau will be satisfied with the happy 
medium and settle himself among Kalmucks [Kalmucks beyond 
Russian domination, well understood] I am ready to start off : they 
have retained much more of the ancient purity natural to man of 
any nation to which one can go by land ; but they have some great 
defects : they read, they have priests. But M r Rousseau and his 
disciples could be a little tribe apart. I expect you to be one of us, 
and as we shall live chiefly on the spoils of the chase, it would be 
as well to encourage your daughter to come with us. Settle the 
business up with Rousseau and let us start. Good-night." 


1755 TO JUNE 1756 

MILORD MARSHALL, as he wrote in September 1755, 
to Colonel de Chaillet, one of the Council of State, had 
come here in the hope of " enjoying a pleasant re- 
treat/' He was to find annoyances on the increase. 

First, in August, he was threatened with a guest, 
less to his liking than Elcho. For, now that Milord had 
come to live so near his " Hermitage " on Leman, 
Voltaire was pining for intercourse with him. But the 
poet dared not set foot in Prussian territory without 
Frederic's leave. 

"... Not having the consolation of laying myself at Your 
Majesty's feet," he wrote to Frederic, " I wish at least to have that 
of conversing about you with Milord Marechal. I am not far off 
him, and if Your Majesty gives me leave and if my wretched health 
gives me strength, I will go and tell him what I do not say to you, 
how superior you are to other men, and to what an extent I have 
the boldness and the weakness to love you with all my heart. But 
I must only speak to Your Majesty of my profound respect." 

Leave was not forthcoming, and Milord Marischall's 
peace was not disturbed by Voltaire. That of his pro- 
vince, however, was agitated this year by the chasing all 
over the Jura of the noted smuggler Mandrin, who, after 
doing a good trade in Burgundy and Dauphine at the 
head of several hundred mounted men, had retired into 
Neufchatel. The troops were sent after him, a hot 

II 2 17 


pursuit resulted in his capture, and he was broken on 
the wheel at Valence on the Rhone. 

Meanwhile, all the summer long, the dispute over 
Public Penance went on. The Classe claimed that the 
punishment was founded on the General Articles of the 
Constitution " which confirmed and secured the rights 
and liberties of State and Church." Frederic would 
have none of their pretensions. 

" POTSDAM, 29^ July, 1755. 

" MY LORD, I have received your letter of the twelfth of this 
month with the enclosure you wished to communicate to me. 
Without wishing to enter into your clergy's reasons for and against 
the subject of public penances, it is not at all necessary that you 
confer any more with them on this point ; I am their supreme 
Bishop, my will alone decides in such cases as to all the laws, and 
by my authority I desire you to override and to entirely abolish 
these public penances as abuses and scandals. I further await 
your report upon the success which one may hope for on the estab- 
lishment of the projected lottery." 

By the middle of September the Venerable Classe had 
decided to appeal to the Three Estates, " interested in 
the maintenance of the said Articles." The Four Town- 
ships were consulted. The citizens of Neuchatel sided 
with the Town Council and the Council of State. This 
latter " severely rebuked " the Dean of the Classe 
for having secretly assembled the Consistories (parish 
councils) and for having made them sign documents 
which infringed the royal authority, ". . . so that a 
proceeding of this kind deserves to be reprimanded." 

" It appears to me," writes His Excellency, the 
Governor, "that the Venerable Classe has been seized 
with dementia ! " 

Far was poor Milord from finding the repose he had 
anticipated ! 

For, to the worries with Voltaire, the Classe, and the 


smuggler was added a further, in the shape of a threat- 
ened descent upon him of Charles Edward ! 

To his disgust he learnt that the Young Pretender 
had pursued him, as it were, and was now living at Basle. 
Here, for the next two years, he and Clementina 
Walkinshaw, with their child, passed as a Doctor and 
Mrs. Thompson who had come to Switzerland for the 
benefit of their healths. They were living in easy 
circumstances, but without any display, and quarrelled 
a great deal. Charles took little jaunts to Paris to the 
Carnival. Murray was with them, as sickened of his 
master as had been poor Goring, and the Cluny had 
been over to remonstrate with Charles. 

The latter now made overtures to the Earl Marischall, 
wishing to come to Colombiers to see him. But Mari- 
schall quite declined to have anything to do with Charles 
again. Now the one hard feature in Milord's kindly 
character was a very Scotch one. When he formed a 
prejudice against any one which he did not do lightly 
nothing would eradicate that prejudice. He had 
never forgiven Charles for his treatment of his friend 
Goring ; he believed Charles intended to betray his 
adherents, and moreover he had his own private bone 
to pick with him. He accused Charles of telling the 
Scots that the Earl Marischall had approved of the 
expedition of '45, on which he had done his best to 
throw cold water when it had been suggested to him by 

David Hume, the historian, who subsequently formed 
a great friendship with the Earl Marischall in England, 
writes many years later that 

"... Lord Marischall had a very bad opinion of this unfortunate 
prince, and thought there was no vice so mean or attrocious of which 
he was not capable, of which he gave me several instances. My 
lord, though a man of great honour, may be thought a discontented 


courtier ; but what quite confirmed me in this idea was a conversa- 
tion I had with Helvetius at Paris. . . . Both Lord Marechal and 
Helvetius agree that, with all this strange character, he was no 
bigot, but rather had learnt from the philosopher at Paris to affect 
a contempt of all religion. ..." 

Two years after the Earl Marischall came to Neu- 
chatel, the Earl of Clancarty, still plotting, was long at 
Dunkirk with Macallister, the spy, who reports his 
remarks which corroborate the assertion of Hume. 

" Sitting with him [Clancarty] in his room in the morning he 
began to talk of the Young Pretender with great indifference, as he 
did two or three times before. When we had drunk hard after 
supper, he broke out saying : ' By G d, dear Macallister, I'll 
tell you a secret you don't know : there is not a greater scoundrel on 
the face of the earth than that same prince : he is in his heart a 
coward and a poltroon. . . . He is so great a scoundrel and rascal, 
that he will lie even when drunk : a time when all other men's 
hearts are most open, and will speak the truth, or what they 
think ; and,' said he, ' Lord Marshal knows, and he said all this 
and more of him, and General Keith also ; and they all know him 
so well at the court of France for a poltroon and a rascal, that they 
secretly despised him ... as for the Duke of York, he behaved at 
Boulogne as a petit maitre ; took upon himself to command and 
give directions in what he was ignorant of : and that both his 
father, and his brother, had disobliged lord Marshal and general 
Keith, who knew them now too well to trust them, and do them 
service ; that lord Marshal would rather want his title and estate, 
than see them restored, as he knew his country must be ruined and 
the subjects enslaved, if ever they succeeded. He asked me if I 
knew Jemmy Dawkins. I answered I did not. He could give you 
an account of them, says he ; but lord Marshal has given the true 
character of the prince, and has given it under his hand to the people 
of England what a scoundrel and rascal he is.' " 

It is impossible, after considering all these various 
worries which pressed upon the old Governor, to wonder 
at finding him writing as follows, in October, to Colonel 
de Chaillet. 


" After due consideration I decided that, as I only desired to live 
a quiet life in my old age, I was a fool to allow myself to be per- 
suaded to undertake to govern men." 

He wished to be relieved of his post. Great was the 
consternation among the Neuchatel authorities. They 
felt that the Classe had gone too far, and were alarmed 
at the prospect of the King's anger. 

A letter to Colonel Chaillet written by Meuron, the 
attorney-general from Colombier, on October 7th, in- 
dicates their trepidation. 

" I cannot get over the astonishment, the sorrow, and the con- 
sternation into which I am thrown by the decision of Milord Mare- 
chal, which seems irrevocable, to leave us and to betake himself to 
regions where perpetual and wearisome remonstrances are not 
spoken of, and especially in order to withdraw from the worry which 
the Compagnie des Pasteur s causes him. He has imparted this 
decision to M. the mayor of the town in a letter which he sent this 
morning by one of his servants. It contains expressions which 
prove how irreparable the loss will be to us. My feeble efforts have 
not in the least shaken this determination. Mademoiselle Hemetee 
(sic) will back up the efforts which must be made to retain him ; 
but I doubt if it will be possible to make him change his mind. It 
is unnecessary to implore you to leave no stone unturned in order 
to keep this precious treasure with us ; there is not a moment to 
lose ; I am afraid that his statement to the King is on the point of 
being sent off, even if it is not already on the way. 

" I had the honour of spending four hours this morning with 
Mylord, and as long the day before yesterday, and incessantly he 
spoke to me about the ministers, either about their scandalous 
remonstrances, lies, contradictions, &c., till he grows so obsessed 
with the reasons for his distaste for the appointment, that unless 
he can be turned away from these ideas, he will become more 
settled in his resolve. . . ." 

The Council of State hastily summoned the Three 
Estates consisting of four ecclesiastics, four nobles, 
and four citizens. Public Penance was abolished. 


When the Earl Marischall came to Neuchatel he was 
instructed by the ministry at Berlin to carry out and 
settle the work of a commission appointed to re-establish 
federal alliances with the co -citizenships of Bern, 
Lucerne, Fribourg, and Soleure. The late Governor, 
Natalis, had not been able to complete this business, 
because the King demurred to the subsidy the cantons 

But Milord, having a friend at Soleure, a member of 
the cantonal government, one d'Arecker, began with 
the alliance with that canton, betaking himself there in 
person, despite the winter weather, to exchange the 
oaths of alliance. He was accompanied by several 
officials and by a suite of eight gentlemen, and was 
armed with gilt basins and other " presents of ettiquette" 
for the principal men of the cantons. Due ceremony 
was observed, as the intention was to emphasize the 
suzerainty of Prussia in connection with the Federal 
relations of Neuchatel with the four cantons. The 
Court at Berlin had given eight thousand francs for 
the renewal of these treaties of alliance. The mission to 
Soleure, however, proved so expensive that orders were 
issued that the other missions were to be abandoned. 
War was in sight, and retrenchment the order of the 
day. The other treaties were signed at Neuchatel and 
ratified in the respective capitals. By this means they 
failed somewhat in their objects. An invidious dis- 
tinction having been made with Soleure, which was a 
Catholic canton, the other Protestant States were 
rather alienated. This decision of the Berlin Ministry 
rankled in the Governor's mind. 

After His Excellency had reconsidered his determina- 
tion to resign, the authorities were very much on their 
good behaviour, especially the Venerable Classe. On 
the Governor's return from Soleure the Dean informed 


the Compagnie that the corporations " would go and 
wait upon him and salute him " and he inquired if 
the Compagnie should not act in the same way. After 
discussion it was resolved to do so, " and as ceremoni- 
ously as possible," and an address was presented to His 
Excellency congratulating him on his safe return, " and 
begging him to continue a work so happily begun." 

Thus, for the time being, the civil power had 
triumphed over the ecclesiastical. But there was 
another struggle to ensue over the dogmatical question 
which we have seen fermenting. 



MILORD MARECHAL'S second winter at Neuchatel was 
but half over when he wrote to his brother that he felt 
he " could stand the climate no longer." 

" The Governor is old ; he has not a moment's peace, he is over- 
whelmed with business. He wishes to leave in the spring for Italy, 
where he will have polenta, macaronis, rest, and fine weather ; a 
little contents him. It is impossible for him to remain at Neuf- 
chatel as Governor ; but he does not want to reproach the King, 
nor to blame the ministers. The King, in his kindness, thought 
only of giving him a pleasant retreat. 

" But this governorship is perhaps the most difficult in all the 
dominions of the King of Prussia. I hate the climate, which is 
so cold that for eight months of the year one must remain a prisoner 
in one's room." 

He complains of the King's ministers (and especially 
M. Podewils), who for some time past find fault with 
what he does, and trust more to an unknown thief, 
Pastor Gelien, than the Governor of the country. It 
was a crime in those gentlemen's eyes to have concluded 
a treaty with Soleure without spending a sou ; after 
having told them that it might cost 4,000 livres. " He 
wishes to end his days without being worried by 
clerks' tempers," nor being incessantly called upon to 
justify his conduct. 






The Earl Marischall to James Keith 

" Fev : 4' 1756. 

" Le manchon et palatine font partis aujourdjui pour Berne, 
d'en ils iront a Basle pout etre mis sur le postwaggen, vous les aurez 
en trois semaines, etvous aurez assez d'hiver encore pour les trouver 
de saison. 

" j'ay cherche dans les papiers de ceux qui ont ete employe avant 
moy pour le renouvellement d' alliances, je trouve, que sans les 
avoir avance en rien, on a depense plus de 1600 livres, j'ay acheve 
le trait e avec Soleure sans avoir depense un sol de 1' argent du Roy ; 
quand je dis acheve, je veux dire que je suis d' accord en tout avec 
le Canton ; car pour finir il faut aller a Soleure, ce que je ne puis 
sans argent : je ne sais ce que les Ministres veulent, ils me grondent 
bien mal a propos ; s'ils font echouer 1' affaire, pour quelques cen- 
taines d'ecus ils comprometteront le Roy ; et feront jaser les 
Suisses ; voyla 1'interest principal que je prens a 1'affaire. pour 
moy mon parti est pris, come je vous ay dit. Adieu. 

" come je vis [a mon ordinaire] du jour a la journee, je souhaite 
savoir si un quartier de pension etant du (par example dans le 
mois de Mars au quartier de Reminiscere), si je puis de droit prendre 
1'autre quartier deja commence quoique payable seulement dans 
le mois de juin. je said bien que je prenois mes quartiers de cette 
fa9on d' avance, mais je ne suis pas absolument sure si c'etoit une 
avance que hazardait les marchands, ou si c'etoit un argent qui 
leur etoit assure comme m' etant du a la fin du quartier. il me 
feroit d'une grande consequence dans cette occasion, car sans cet 
petit secours, quoique je vend tout pour faire de 1'argent, je serois 
bien embarasse pour faire mon voyage, et vivre jusqu'au mois de 
Decembre. mais contez que d'ici en avant je deviens econome, 
peutetre seray je avare, et que je moureray de faim, mais riche en 
argent content ; j'ay fait de la depense a me meubler ici ; mes 
6000 francs de Rome font otes ; on m'a fait banqueroute de mes 
diaments ; j'ay vecu honorablement selon ma place ; somme 
totale, je suis un sot, et ce qui est bien pis, sans argent ; sais si 
je puis gagner Decembre, je seray riche, c'est a dire je feray range, 
et ne devant rien, vivant de mes ventes, et mangeant macarone 
avec harlequins, je n' aurez ni ordre a recevoir ni a donner, ni 
proces, ni harangue, ni privileges a contester. bon soir." 

A week later he wrote again, addressing his brother 
jocularly by his official Russian title : 


" Hospidor General, I have written to the King by this courier 
begging him to give me my conge. I only tell him that I find I 
have too much business to do, and that I shall be always grateful 
(which is very true) for his kindness in having given me such a 
nice retreat in my old days ; but the result does not come up to his 
intentions, in consequence of the circumstances and trend of affairs, 
and he is sure that I have too much of it. Every day I see fresh 
reasons to determine me to the choice of a complete retreat, my 
age, my small knowledge of affairs of suits and of law, the trouble 
of privileges badly set forth, and the impossibility of pleasing the 
ministers. I have just received a rescript by the King's express 
order, which says : * Although you have assured me by the very 
humble report of ... that the magistrate of Neuf has not since 
your arrival granted the right of citizenship of the above-mentioned 
place to any one, and that my high interests are not neglected in that 
respect, I have nevertheless seen, by a petition that Jonas Gelien, 
&c., has sent me that a young foreigner who offered 2,000 ecus for 
it has since bought this citizenship.' Then they add : ' You will 
take steps to find out and to inform me who is this young foreigner, 
and if the said magistrate has granted him the rights of citizen- 
ship without my preliminary permission, which I do not remember 
having given and which I reserved to myself the right of bestowing 
in virtue of a decree of the date of ... 1750.' I do not enter into 
argument about this with the ministers ; I merely send a certificate 
from the chancellor and another from the secretary of the city, 
that no citizens have been made at all, and that, therefore, I spoke 
the truth. I shall be content to live on polenta and not to pass 
the remainder of the days that are left me, in apologizing about 
things when I do not think I was wrong, and I shall at the same 
time withdraw from an office, where, with the best intentions in 
the world, I might, out of ignorance, perhaps be wrong. 

"If my affairs had been a little better settled at home, I might 
perhaps have stayed on here ; but, this not being so, I only know 
that I could not live anywhere but at St. Mark." 

The consternation into which the Governor's decision 
to retire threw the officials at Neuchatel can be per- 
ceived by the two following letters from Colonel Chaillet, 
of the Council of State, imploring Marshal Keith to 
persuade his brother to reconsider his resolution, 




" Ce n'est que d'Aujourd'huy que My lord Marechal m'a as- 
sure en m'apprenant qu'il a demande au Roy Son Conge, Sans 
luy dire un Mot des Mauvais Precedes de Ses Ministres. Dans 
la Consternation ow je Suis ayez pour Agreable My lord que je 
m'adresse a V : E : et que Je la Conjure de travailler a Raccommoder 
le Tout S'il est Possible, Le Ressentiment de My lord Marechal 
n'est que Trop Legitime Je ne le blame pas, Mais Pourquoy laisser 
Ignorer au Maitre 1'Indignite de Ses Agents. My lord dans plusieurs 
Lettres au Roy a par bonte d'Ame temoigne au Roy qu'il Se plaisoit 
Ici plus qu'il en etoit et Aujourd'huy II va brusquement demander 
Son Conge a Cause des Affaires et du Climat, Je Grain que le Royne 
Se fache et n'aille toucher au troo leu (sic) et que fera My lord 
votre digne frere a Venise, II a depensse tout Son Argent Ici, et 
ces Meubles qui luy ont coute beaucoup il n'en tirera Rien. Au 
lieu qu'il me Semble qu'en disant Tout simplement au Roy Ses 
Plaintes, Le Roy ne peut Jamais trouver Mauvais qu'il veut etre 
Se Retirer. Dans le Sisteme meme ou il est fixe, il me Semble 
qu'il Se fait un Tort infini. Et il y a plus dans 1'Etat ou sont les 
choses Je ne vois pas que My Lord Marechal puisse executter 
actuellment son Desein, Sans faire un Tort Irreparable au Roy qui 
n'en peut pas Davantage Si les Ministres Sont des Fouriques (sic) 
Que dira t'on dans le Monde, Les Affaires de Roy se perdront 
Absolument en Suisse, il faut le nomer a toutes alliances e'en est 
fait. Que diront les Peuples qui Aiment My lord Comme Leur 
Pere, Et qui le Voiront partir pour leur Avoir Rendu un Service 
Capital ces Alliances font depuis 50 Ans 1' Ob jet de leurs desirs et de 
leur Ardeur. II n'y en a Qu'une de faite, et S'en est fait des Autres. 
Je crains que nos Gens ne fassent des Sottises Qui porteront longs 
a My lord, Car ils mettront le tout Sur Son Compte. 

" En Verite My lord Ce que Ton pourroit faire de Mieux Seroit de 
Raccommoder le Tout ce qui Seroit aise Si le Roy le veut, il n'y 
qu'a mettre le Gouvernement Sur un pied Supportable et qui con- 
vient a Son Service lorsqu'il a par dessus un homme de bien et de 
Valleur Car Sur le Pied ou les choses sont, il n'y a pas un honnette 
homme au Monde qui voullut Se degrader au Point d'Endurer le 
Stile Pervers et barbare de Touts les Miserables teritoires. Gens 
D'ailleurs de Comprehension dure, qui n'entendent pas les Affaires 
les plus Simples Si on ne les accable a Son Tour d'Ecritures Im- 
menses Alors Seconde par V : E : il n'est pas possible que nous ne 
vinssions a bout de faire changer de Resolution a My lord Marechal, 


" Ayez My lord Compassion de Nous, Touts les Ordres de FEtat 
Corps et Peuples Se Joindront a Moy pour Supplier V : E : de nous 
aider. Si je sais parler Ces Alliances nous tiennent fortement au 
Cceur, et je sais My lord Marechal votre digne et Respectable frere 
nous y tient encore plus. Et ce que me penetre Jusques au fond 
de 1'Ame c'est qu'on pourra encore Soubconnei? que nous ayons 
Augmente Ses Chagrins. Et contribue a Sa Resolution. Je ne 
scais que trop My lord que nous Avons un Grand Nombres de 
coquins et fripons Qui Sont fache de ne pouvoir plus exercer le 
Metier de delatteurs Et Si ce fourbe de Pretre n'est pas punni et 
qu'ils voyent qu'ils Soyent ecouttes en Cour loin devant, Us re- 
prendront Touts leur Premier Metier. Et il n'y auroit pas Moyen 
d'y Tenir. Les Ministres du Roy Sont d'Etranges Gens ils Se 
defient de tout homme de bien, et donnent toute leur Confiances 
a des fripons Sans Pouvoir. My lord Marechal n'a cesse depuis 
qu'il est Ici de les leur demasquer, Tout a ne les Arrette pas ils 
osent produire leur Cher Gellien qui a ete demasque par Nombre 
des devantiers (sic) de S : E : 

" Je me trouve My lord dans la plus Cruelle Situation ou un honnette 
homme puisse Se trouver, J'aime, J'honnore, et Respecte My lord 
votre frere, mon Attachement est aparement au dela de FExpression, 
Je benissois Dieu de tout mon Coeur de Voir au Millieu de Nous, 
un digne Seigneur, Le plus grand homme de bien qu'il y aye au 
Monde, II est Indignement persecutte Et il me deffend de parler 
Ici, et d'ecrire a Berlin meme a V : E : parceque Sa Resolution est 
prise et qu'on ne feroit que de le brouiller avec le Roy qu'il aime 
et a qui il a des Obligations, parcequ'. il ne veut plus Servir. II 
m'a ecarte huit Jour qu'il eut levee et ne m'en parloit pas pour 
Evitter de me faire du Chagrin Et dans la Crainte qu'il ne combattit 
Sa Resolution. Mais dans 1'Agitation Ou Je Suis il ne m'est pas 
possible de Tenir la Promesse que le lui ay faitte, Ce que Je dois au 
Roy et a ma Patrie me force a prendre le part D' Informer le Roy 
fusee je sure de deplaire Car comme Je ne dis que le Vray, et me" me 
qu'une partie du Vray Je ne m'embarrasse de Rien, Toute mon Ap- 
prehension et F Unique Seroit la Crainte de Nuire a My lord Mare- 
chal, Ce que Je ne voudrois pas faire pour touts les biens de Monde. 
Dans cette Idee II m'est Venu dans 1'esprit de me donner 1'honneur 
de vous Ecrire My lord et de vous adresser ma Lettre a S : M : Et de 
supplier tres humblement V : E : de le faire mettre a la Poste Si 
vous Croyer My lord qu'elle ne puisse bien surement. pas Nuire aux 
Affaires de My lord Marechal au quel Je ne voudrais pas nuire pour 


Rien an Mon de Mais bien le Contraire Si Je le pouvois. Je vous 
Supplie au Keste My lord et Je vous demande en Grace que laisser 
ignorer a My lord Marechal Que j'aye pris la Liberte de vous Ecrire, 
N'y qu'on aye loins d'Ici a V: B : parcequ'il Jugeroit que c'est 
Moy. J'ay L'honneur d'etre avec un Respect Infini. 
" NEUFCHATEL ce 20 fevrier 1756." 


" Je pris la Liberte d'Ecrire a V : E : par le dernier Courier 
Je me flatte que ma Lettre Sera heureusement parvennue et que 
vous n'aurez pas pris My lord en Mauvaise part la Liberte d'un 
homme qui fait profession particulier d'Etre devoue a My lord 
Marechal votre Illustre frere, Je m'y Suis attache plus que Je ne 
1'Aye Ete de ma Vie a homme du Monde, parceque Je n'en Ay 
Jamais connu un qui fit autant honneur a I'humanite, n'y qui 
Merittat autant toute 1' Affection le Devouement et les Respects 
d'Un homme d' honneur Si J'ay beni Dieu de voir Arriver un Si 
grand homme de bien dans ma Patrie J'ay gemi de voir un Si digne 
Seigneur embarque Sur la Galere du Monde la plus mal Equipee 
Depuis le premier moment que My lord a etc dans ce Pays, J'ay 
etreint a luy allayer le Poid de dedans Et J'y recessi, Et 1'Affection 
toute Extraordinaire des Peuples et des Gens de bien ont Rendu 
la chose facile, Tout ce que J'ay eu a combattre c'est les Scrupules 
de S : E : qui Se faisait Peine d'etre Ici Sans faire tant ce que 
faisaient Ses Predecesseurs Qui portoient a tout leur presence 
material et plus qu'Inutile, En luy demontrant que Son Ombre 
faisoit Mieux les Affaires du Roy et de 1'Etat qu'une Legion de 
Gouverneurs comme Ceux que nous avons eu et pourrons avoir 
Jusqua Peternite. Ce n'a Jamais ete Le Pays ny les Affaires de votre 
Sphere qui nous donne la Moindre Inquietude, C'est la Corre- 
spondance de Berlin autant celle de Potsdam est gracieux autant 
celle de Berlin est Insouttenable. Oui My lord est sans Exageration 
un Galerien sur la Chaine y Retient plutot que de la Souttenir. Les 
Ministres se levirent dans le Gout de Nostradamus, Les Predictions 
de Celuy y ne Sont pas plus obscures et Inintelligibles que les 
Rescripts. II faut deviner, et S'on n'a pas le bonheur de les com- 
prendre, els accablent d' In jure. 

" 2v. Us n'ont aucun Sisteme Mais aucun Us en changent Cours 
de Chemises, Ce qui leur a plut Aujourd'huy leur deplait demain 
Comment Vivre avec eux un Ange ne Scauvoit a quoy S'Entenir. 

" 3. Us n'entendent Rien a notre Tripot Mais du Tout Rien* 


Depuis le Vieux Colinan ils n'ont pas en un homme qui y entiendit 
Goutte Ils firent de Longue et perdent en malhabiles Gens les 
Affaires du Roy, Voulloir Gouverner un peuple Libre, par les 
Principes du Gouvernement Arbitraire, c'est Abus, ils ne font que 
compromettre PAuthorite Souveraine, et Rendu les Peuples defiants 
et Mecontents. 

" 4 T . Ils n'ont donne leur Confiances et ne les donnent qu'a des 
fripons Gens Sans honneur et Princippe, qu'ils Tiennent Seuls 
p* Gens de Dieu. Et comme My lord en toute Rencontre a tra- 
vaille a les Rammener a des Idees plus Saines Je suis Sur qu'ils 
Croyent que nous 1'avons corrompus. Et il le faut pour Se con- 
duire Comme ils le font. J' n'entre My lord dans le detail pour 
vous faire Sentir que cela forme un poid Redoutable et tout a fait 
Insouttenable, et que S'il en est Rebutte Personne ne peut en etre 
Surpris. II falloit que Cela Arrivat. Tout ce que me fait peine 
c'est que My lord Marechal Se rebutte Sans en dire la Raison. Ce 
Servit Au Reste bien mal Remplir le but que Je me propose de 
peindre les desagremens Sans proposer a votre Excellence les 
Moyens pour y obvier qui sont bien simples, Point Coutteux et 
tres aise. Ce Seroit que le Roy charge a un Conseiller d'Etat, En 
Qualite de Lt. de My lord Ou President, Doyen, Comme ils voudront 
De la Correspondance de la Cour Et des Affaires Courrantes du 
Pays Sous les Ordres de My lov. Les Epices dont My lord ne Se 
prevant Equalement pas formeroient des Petits Avantages a un 
homme a qui les ecritures ne coutterient pas. Et cet homme 
seroit tout trouve dans la Personne du Conseiller d'Etat Samuel 
Ostervald, Qui par la Caducite de Ceux qui le precedent se trouve 
a la Tete du Conseil homme de bien, et d'une Integrit Reconnue. 
Son Ouvrage de nos Loix seroit Rettarde de peu puisqu'il est a la 
fin. Et Quant le Roy daigneroit luy donner quelque chose il le 
meritteroit depuis longtemps qu'il Travaille avee peu de gage 

" Et que S : M : daigna donner Ses Ordres directs a My lord, 
Qui ne peuvent Jamais etre de Nature a luy prendre J d'heure 
Sur Ses Grandes Occupations. II n'y a 1'Affaire de nos Alliances 
et le Changement dans nos Loix Du Reste Je n'en prevois pas 
d'Autres. Mais Si S : M : ne daigne pas charger My lord de cette 
besoigne elle ne se feras Jamais Sans occasioner du Trouble dans 
PEtat. Et ne se fera pas au Grand Mecontentement de touts les 
Ordres de 1'Etat. 

" II faudroit Encore My lord une chose bien essentielle c'est que 


S : M : daigna mettre fin au trafig des charges en les laissant a la 
Nomination. My lord Marechal dont la parfaite Integrite luy est 
Connue Car il est honteux que les longs loys Soyent mis a 1'Enchere 
Malheur a ceux qui n'ont pas pu S' Addresser discretement au 
Throne II a fallue payer bien Cher des Employs qui ne produisent 
presque Rien. Ou pour Mieux dire Malheur au Peuple qui est 
Oblige d'Achetter en dettail ce que Ton a vendu en Groz. Au Reste 
My lord Le pro jet que le fais Ici me paroit bien Uni et 1'Est en 
Effet et J'ay Cru devoir entrer dans le dettail pour en faire Sentir 
la Necessite Mais Je ne dois pas cacher a V : E : que la Resolution 
prise tient Tellement fort, que je Grain de pouvoir detterminer My 
lord Marechal Quant meme S : M : auroit cette Bonte pour Luy. 
J'ay fort exhorte Mile Emette le baron de Brakel qui est Ici a ne 
plus luy parler de Cette affaire Car comme II est Incertain quel 
est le Partique le Roy prendra il faut attendre passamrnent le 
Resultat. Un homme qui est bien decide il est dela Meilleure 
humeur du Monde et il faut 1'Ame penetre d'Amertume m'efforcer 
de luy faire Parole, Rire dans le Temps que je Pleurerois de tout 
mon Cceur. Tout mon Sallut est en V : E : Mais quoy qu'il en 
puisse Arriver Je supplie V : E : de dettourner My lord d'Aller 
a Venise Qu'il soit Gouverneur du Pays ou Non, il y Jouira du 
Coeur et des Respects d'Un Chacun Et il y vivra comme il voudra 
tout Comme a Venise. Je luy suis Tellemt. attache que J ne puis 
me familliariser avec 1'Idee d'un Depart Je Supplie V : E : de me 
pardonner Si Sans Avoir le bonheur d'Etre Connu de vous My lord, 
Je vous parlais aussy franchement. 
" NEFFCHATEL ce 21* Fevrier 1756." 

The Earl Marischall to Marshal J. Keith 

" You have seen, My Dearest brother, that I have allready asked 
my conge ; be easy as to me ; I have wherewith to have el puchero 
honrado y macarones, lo que me basta. The multiplicity of affairs 
is too great a load, especially as my memory dayly fails ; but, as 
you well guess, the stile and manner is still worse. Had I thought 
my retiring from business could have been to you any prejudice, 
I would have suffered any thing rather than have taken that step ; 
but as the King well knows that my desire of retreat is not new ; 
that he gave me this governement as one ; he will not be surprised 
that, since I find it very different, I wish to be rid of it. If he should 
a moment suppose that my present motive is from politicks, he will 


soon be undeceived by my attachement to him and by my conduct 
towards others ; they have discarded me, I have not left them ; 
a fair riddance, as to my going to Cleves, the climate is much 
colder and worse than this, I have not the language of the country, 
I am too old to make new acquaintance ; if the King continued 
my pension, I should stay here in his old castle of Colombier, plant 
and eat Brocoli, and go now and then to see B. de Brakel and some- 
times to my old friend Fanny Oglethorpe about fourty leagues off ; 
and if, por milagro de Dios, I can gather two hundred louis, go once 
again to pay my duty to the King and embrace you. if I have 
only my own small matter I must go to San Marco. 

" I have finished the affair of Soleure. I don't know if the Ministry 
will approve of my economy, tho I have carried it as far as I could. 
I gave those went with me an olla in the morning, we set out to 
save a dinner on the road ; in returning I only stop to give oats 
to the horses and saved an other dinner : on all such occasions 
there is expence of decency which can not be avoided. Comte 
Podwerts tells you I may send an other in my place ; he does not 
know the ceremony of the Swiss nation and their scrupulous attache- 
ment to their old Etiquets ; Mr de Natalis would have been excused 
because of his age, but if a Governor can go they must make him 
go : and in truth they have a reason of Politicks for some eclat. 
Soleure fortified their toune against a sudden insurrection of the 
paisants, some show it necessary for the Paisants ; it is of effect to 
containe them in their fears, and respect. 

" if the King should speak to you of my desire of retreat, you 
may assure him of my attachement now and ever ; that if I should 
continue in business it could not be long ; that it is better for his 
service, as well as quite necessary for my ease and health, that I 
have nothing to do. Not a month ago one came to speak to me ; 
I could not find words to express what I wanted to say, no more 
than if I had been in a fit of aplopexie ; and indeed I believe it 
was a sort of one, tho I perceived no ailing, except want of words ; 
for I well knew all said to me. I need no other reason to desire 
retreat ; you may tell it to M. d'Eichel, and that he need not be 
affraid to assure the King, that my chief reason of retreat is love 
of repos, which is absolutely necessary to my health and age, and that 
my attachement to the King will last as long as I shall, which I 
flatter my self his Majesty will believe. 

" you tell me the Cabinet and the Grand Directoire do not agree ; 
if I was to complain it is of the Cabinet, je vous le dis une fois 


pour tout, je ne veux absolument aucune depense que c'est qui est 
indispensable, on voit une aigreur de stile qui vient du coeur ; on 
croiroit que j'avois deja jette mal a propos bien de 1'argent du Roy ; 
je ne veux pas me plaindre ni au Roy ni aux Ministres, mais me 
retirer tout doucement. c'est le parti que tout trouve, a qui il reste 
F ombre de sens commun, doit prendre quand il se sent sur charge 
d'affaires, je vous ayenvoye une longue lettre il y a huit jours, elle 
etoit pour vous seul ; je suis bien aise que vous 1'ayez entre les 
mains. Adieu my Dearest brother. 
" March 2d. 1756." 

Frederic, though immersed in business, both England 
and France wooing him for alliance, wrote at once in 
the kindest manner, two successive letters. 

" POTSDAM, February 8th (1756). 

" Do not accuse me of laziness, my dear Mylord ; I have been 
so enormously busy for some time (you will judge over what) [allusion 
to the treaty signed in London on January 16th, 1756, and the 
arrival of the Due de Nivernois at Berlin on the 12th of the same 
month] that I have not possibly been able to write to you ; the 
agitation still continues, and at least a month must elapse ere I 
can regain the tranquillity suitable for our correspondence. I am 
none the less obliged to you for the melon seeds you had the kindness 
to send me, as well as for the tolerant doctrine which you are 
striving to introduce into your province. It would be a completion 
of the work to make this lottery which no one wants succeed. I 
believe that you must be a prodigal and a spendthrift in order to 
have any credit ; I see that that answers everywhere ; we must 
imitate the rest. 

" Your province is menaced by Voltaire, by an earthquake, by 
Madame Denis, and by a comet [On October 29th, 1755, Voltaire 
had written to the Abbe de Prades, in a letter intended to be com- 
municated to the King : * I have a little monastery by Lausanne, 
on the road to Neufchatel, and, if my health had allowed me, I 
should have gone as far as Neufchatel to see mylord Marischall ; 
but for that I should have wished to have a letter of permission ']. 
One of these scourges is enough to destroy everything. I hope 
these conjectures will turn out like many others. Much the same 
misfortunes have been prophesied about the Queen of Hungary ; 
with the exception of Voltaire. She appointed fasts, prayers ; the 

Ii 3 


venerdbile has been exposed at Vienna. Doubtless after that God 
will think twice before meddling with Austria. You will be told, 
doubtless, my dear mylord, that I am a little less of a Jacobite than 
I was ; do not let this set you against me, and rest assured that I 
esteem you always just as much. Adieu." 

"February 1756. 

" I am sorry to see you leave a post, my dear mylord, which will be 
always ill-filled by your successor. You may choose what place of 
residence you please, certain that I shall join you every time that 
the locality is available to me. I think those people happy, who, 
at a certain age, can retire from business, and this happiness seems 
all the greater to me because I very much fear that I shall never 
enjoy it. Plans, cares, worries, that is all in which human grandeur 
consists. When one has seen this magic lantern a few times one 
is satiated with it, and woe to the Savoyard who brings it ! All one's 
toil often only ends in making people happy who do not wish to 
be, in settling the uncertainty of the future, which upsets all our 
plans. When all this has been going on for a number of years, the 
moment has come to strike camp, and, adding up, one finds that 
one has lived for others and not for oneself. But each machine 
is made for a certain use, the clock to show the hours, the spit for 
roasting, the mill-stones for grinding. Let us get back to work, 
then, as such is my lot ; but be sure that, in spite of my turning, 
despite myself, no one is more interested in your philosophic repose 
than your friend for all time and in all the circumstances in which 
you may happen to find yourself. Adieu." 

Milord asked his brother to assure the King that 
he is only retiring because he needs rest, and enclosed 
a Memo, for the King detailing his reasons for resign- 
ing, and pointing out that on his mission to Soleure 
and its attendant ceremonies he had but carried out 
instructions. To Marshal Keith he wrote a fortnight 
later : 

" You know by this time, my dearest brother, that the King has 
offered me my conge, ' si j'insistois ladessus,' giving me at the same 
time half my salary, and that I propose staying in the old castle 
of Colombier, which I have asked the King to give me," 



And he adds a defence of his conduct during his term 
of office. 

Two letters of Frederic's crossed those of Milord : 

"(POTSDAM), March nth, 1756. 

" To-day's post, my dear mylord, has brought me two of your 
letters. In the first you say so many pleasant things to me, that 
they can but cement the friendship and gratitude I bear you. I 
see further that it is absolutely necessary to become a bad manager 
in order to have credit ; but I am still uncertain if the game is worth 
the candle. 

" You have made a Swiss alliance down there which will give 
Messieurs les Neufchdtelois much pleasure. As for me, my dear 
mylord, I make only political misfortunes. I would wish that 
people did not destroy themselves in Europe in order to find out 
who will fish for stockfish, and that they were less set upon the 
possession of the mountain of Apalache, and of the deserts of 
Cayenne, where you and I will never go, and which will bring in very 
little to the happy folk who gain this possession. I could add 
many others, if I would, to the list of these ; but I suppress them 
out of prudence, feeling how impossible it is to make people reason- 
able, and that the most secure course is to let the world go as it is. 

" I owe you many thanks for the trouble you have taken in 
ordering a picture by Pompeo for me. I should be strongly tempted 
to have two by Mengs and one by Costanzi. The two by Mengs 
might be the Education of Adonis, and that of Tiresias. [The 
King means the Judgement of Tiresias.] He might make them to 
match, and Costanzi's might match the one Pompeo is doing. 
[The pair to the picture by Chevalier Placido Costanzi, painted by 
Chevalier Pompeo Battoni, represents the Marriage of Pysche. 
See the Description of the interior of the two palaces of Sans Souci 
those of Potsdam and of Charlottenburg by Matthew Oesterreich. 
Potsdam 1773.]" 

"POTSDAM, 2lst March, 1756. 

" I apologize, my dear mylord, for the stupid mistake I made in 
giving you commissions for Italian pictures, which should have 
been addressed to your brother. That day I was very busy, and, 
not noticing either the handwriting nor the date of the letter, 
which was the marshal's, I replied to you instead of to him. You 


cannot think me more foolish than I think myself, and I am indeed 
quite ashamed about it. I might speak of Europe and great affairs, 
I might find all sorts of fine excuses, but you know as well as I do 
that Europe, thank Heaven, does not rest on my shoulders, and 
goes her own way without my interfering. So I content myself 
with acknowledging ingenuously my slip. I do not know either 
what the French or what the English will do ; if they make mistakes 
like mine, if they send to the East Indies orders made for America, 
I hope they will prepare us to laugh. I could wish that in one way 
or another they were more sensible ; but, unfortunately, there is 
nothing less sensible than the man so often defined as above every 
thing a reasonable animal. Those who define man do not know 
him ; for me, if I dared to hasard my small opinion upon the 
attributes of our species, I should be very inclined to define us as 
chattering animals who reason according to their passions. It is 
for you, my dear mylord, who have been about the world more than 
I have, to examine my sentiment to see if my definition is good or 
not. You are very certain of my blessing, and of all that com- 
promises my power both spiritual and temporal ; I only find fault 
with the efncacity. To wish people well is not all, the great thing 
is to do them good. Do not forget, I beg you, your friends in the 
North, and count always on the real esteem with which I am always 
your faithful friend." 

Elcho returned from Padua and Venice to stay at 
Colombier with his old friend. But Milord Marechal 
was at the same time the recipient of other attentions 
which he did not equally enjoy. Sir Arthur Villettes, 
British Envoy at Bern, jumped to the conclusion 
that the Earl Marischall, in breaking with Charles 
Edward, intended to give in his allegiance to the House 
of Hanover, and to sue for pardon. 

" BERN, the 28th May, 1756. 

" Very secret. 

" I have within these few days had an interview at a place four 
or five leagues distant from this town, with a particular friend of 
mine who is of Neuchatel ; . . . I had observed that there was 
something in that part of his correspondence which related to the 
young Pretender, that was affectedly obscure, and which he seemed 


unwilling to trust to plain terms on paper ; I therefore agreed to a 
rendez-vous, where we met, at the hour appt. and spent the best 
part of the day together. The lights I gained by this conversation 
with him are of so extraordinary a nature that I think it my duty 
to lay the substance of them before you. . . . The person above 
mentioned has lived in the greatest intimacy with the Gov. of N. 
ever since his coming thither, insomuch that there are few subjects 
and circumstances of his life, which he has not very openly and 
frankly let him into. By this means, my friend has been able to 
explain what he often hinted to me, of the Pretender not being at so 
great a distance from this part of the world, as I imagine, by ac- 
quainting me that he has lived, for some time past, at, or in the 
neighbourhood of Basel, under the name of Thompson. . . . Upon 
my inquiring into the young Pretender's connection and corre- 
spondence with the Gov. of Neuchatel, I was told v. positively that 
they had none whatever ; that the Pret's eldest son had never been at 
Neuchatel, as was reported ; that indeed, he had offered to make 
the Gov r a visit there privately, but the latter had declined it, 
and wrote him word, in v. plain terms, that he wld acquaint the K. 
of Pruss. therewith, and immediately made the thing public, upon 
which it was dropped. And further, that the Gov r never mentioned 
him but with the utmost horror and detestation, and in the most 
opprobious terms ; having told him more than once that his conduct, 
from the setting out from Rome, on his last expedition in Scot d to 
this day, had been one continual scene of falsehood, ingratitude, 
and villany ; and that the father's was little better. The mis- 
understanding between them, my friend says, has subsisted ever 
since the Pretender's expedition into Scotland, which he had pre- 
viously assured his friends in that Kingdom to have been concerted 
with and approved by the Governor of Neufchatel, though this 
last in reality had disuaded and was entirely against it, which 
he afterwards wrote to his friends there, declaring, in so many 
words, that what the young Chevalier had advanced on this head 
was false. With regard to his character, my friend tells me that the 
several particulars which the governor had given him of it had 
likewise been confirmed to him by Lord Elcho, who held him in 
so great esteem. . . . My friend says that a person of note was 
sent over, last year, on a private commission to the young Pretender 
by the principal men of his party in Scotland, and that this person 
agreeable to his instructions [which directed him to Neufchatel, on 
the way to consult with the governor on the whole matter com- 


mitted to his charge] had been there to pay him a visit, and had 
spent some days with him ; that when he opened his commission 
to him he found the governor so totally alienated from the Pre- 
tender, of whom he gave the most odious character, that he said it 
was unnecessary he should go any farther, and was for returning 
to Scotland directly, but that the governor had opposed this, and 
advised him to proceed, as he was directed, to see the Pretender, 
and not to frame his notions on the report of others, but to trust 
to his own senses and judgment. That this person had accordingly 
continued his journey to Basel, and been several days there, with the 
Pretender, from whence, being returned to Neufchatel, he declared 
that he had found things exactly as he had been told, and that the 
governor, in the account he had given him, had not been influenced 
by any passion of resentment, or deviated from the truth in any 
one instance ; having further insinuated to my friend, in private 
discourse, that he had hitherto been a strenuous promoter of Jaco- 
bitism, but that, on his return to Great Britain, he would preach 
quite another doctrine, and turn his whole endeavours towards 
undeceiving and converting as many as he could of his friends and 
acquaintances, who were under the same infatuation. . . ." 

Frederic was still looking forward to Milord's return 
to him, and in the stress of his war preparations sends 
another little note of welcome. 

" SANS SOTJCI, June I2th, 1756. 

" You flatter me pleasantly, my dear mylord, with the hope of 
seeing you again. You may come boldly ; it is not freezing here, 
we have the most beautiful weather possible ; I therefore hope to 
receive you about the middle of July, when I think the marshal will 
be back from his baths. I have not written to Voltaire, as you 
suppose ; the Abbe de Prades is conducting that correspondence. 
As for me, who know the lunatic, I am very careful not to give him 
the least handle. I know you will be obliged to the review at 
Magdeburg for the shortness of my letter. I am shortly leaving 
to see the troops. Adieu, my dear mylord, keep me in your friend- 
ship, and be sure of mine." 

But a few days later he begs for a breathing space 
to reconsider Milord's resignation and Neuchatel affairs. 


That principality lay on the French frontier, exposed 
to the enemy's attacks ; it was very independent, no 
mere Prussian province, and not whole-heartedly loyal 
to its Hohenzollern rulers. Frederic felt that the 
presence of his devoted friend, Milord Marechal, well 
versed in French feeling, and in the politics of Louis's 
Court, might bolster up Neuchatel as a bulwark against 

" SANS Souci, 20th June, 1756. 

" I would willing reply to you, my dear mylord, more catigoricallyj 
but in the present crisis I am so overwhelmed with business that I 
implore you to give me time to think about Neufchatel at my 
leisure. I hope you would kindly therefore have patience with a 
poor politician who is struggling in his little nook, like the devil 
in a pot of holy water. Assuring you of the entire esteem with 
which I am your faithful friend." 

The Earl Marischall paid a short visit to Geneva, 
then rather a favourite centre for British continental 
travellers, and where he found friends, and he then 
stayed a few days at Les Delices with Voltaire. It 
can be imagined how their conversation turned and 
returned on Frederic ! 

In the beginning of July the Governor of Neuchatel 
set out for Potsdam, nominally, on leave, and eager to 
be once again with his beloved master, who, without 
doubt, had now great schemes afoot. 

For Marshal James Keith, who had been at Karls- 
bad in Bohemia, Imperial territory, for his gout, had, 
with other Prussian officers, been suddenly and secretly 
recalled. The brothers met once more, and were for 
the last time together, but only for a few weeks. 

Frederic wrote to his sister, the Margravine of 
Baireuth, on July 22nd, with a thousand excuses for 
delay in replying to her. " Milord Marechal has arrived 


here four days ago ; he found me so busy that I have 
not had a moment to myself/' 

Frederic had discovered the secret coalition in 
France, Austria, and Russia, leagued to crush him, " the 
iniquitous plot/' as he put it. But he had " one foot 
in the stirrup, and I think another will soon follow/' to 
forestall his enemies. 

It was not only the pending retirement from Neu- 
chatel that brought the Earl Marischall to Potsdam. 
England and Prussia were now allied by the Conven- 
tion of Westminster, which guaranteed the neutrality 
of Hanover, and promised subsidies to Prussia in case 
of war. This clever move incensed France, which 
could not now seize George's German possessions. To 
counteract it, she allied herself with Austria by the 
defensive treaty of Versailles in May 1756. Russia 
had been leagued with Austria for some years and 
Russian troops were now on the march to Prussia. The 
ring which was to " round up " Frederic was now 

The latter was aware of something afoot against 
him. A bribe to a government clerk at Dresden laid 
bare the mesh. On the day the Earl Marischall reached 
Potsdam, July 18th, Frederic sent an ultimatum to 
Maria Theresa inquiring if her war preparations were 
directed against himself ? 

Was Marischall really now considering his reconcilia- 
tion with the House of Hanover ? In any case, at this 
moment he attempted to do England a good turn. 
The British Minister at Berlin was his friend and fellow- 
countryman, Sir Andrew Mitchell, an Aberdeenshire 
laird. On August 9th a memorandum was handed 
in to Sir Andrew warning the British Government that 
France this year would attempt a descent on the three 
kingdoms, by French fleets from Brest and Conflans ; 


and begging him not to neglect the warning, given by 
the secret channels Marshal Bellisle had in England, 
which might place the King of England in " terrible 
embarrassment. " The memo, added that affairs on land 
were not in less of a crisis. The Prussian Court had 
informed that of St. James how matters stood with 
Vienna ; " a rupture seemed inevitable." All depended 
on the reply of Vienna. Was it peace or war ? 

Among Mitchell's papers is a copy of the follow- 
ing letter, evidently written by the Earl Marischall. 
Mitchell received this copy, via Podevils, the King's 
State Secretary, on August 10th, subsequently to an 
audience he, Mitchell, had had with Frederic on the 
7th. Mitchell sent it on secretly to London to Secre- 
tary Lord Holdernesse. In his report of the 12th to 
Holdernesse he mentioned that Frederic thought French 
invasion of England a wild and adventurous scheme, 
which could never succeed unless a party within the 
kingdom favoured it ; but he was of opinion that 
Belleisle's channels with England should be investi- 


" Sire, as I am not in the secret, and have no longer anything to 
do with either party in England, what I have learnt is only by chance 
and very imperfectly. 

" I have seen a letter from Marshal Belle-isle to Chavigny [French 
Envoy at Bern] in February 1755, in which he said * there would 
be good business to be done, through the friends and the channels 
I made when I was in England.' Since then I have known of a 
correspondence between the folk in England and the ministers of 
France, that after the arrival of the Hanoverians and the Hessians, 
these English said that 20,000 men were not enough [evidently 
France suggested an invasion with that number], and that more were 
necessary ; they also told me that there was not a single Jacobite 
in the secret ; that it was the republican party. I am rather led to 
believe that it is rather some ambitious busybody, who wishes to 


deceive France ; but if he succeeds, and if the French can get 30,000 
men over, the country is lost and ruined for ever. France, this 
year, does not require her land forces, and she could well risk 30,000 
men. I believe there is little to fear from the Jacobite party ; those 
I know among them have recanted their error ; it is only in the 
Scotch mountains where there are still a few who could be seduced 
by the glitter of gold. 

" I beg Your Majesty not to let it transpire whence this advice 
reaches you ; the King, your uncle, would doubtless think my inten- 
tion was to fill your mind with ill-founded suspicions. I am only 
a rebel ; I am not false, nor a felon ; I wish to serve you, Sire, and my 
country at the same time ; I know of no other party." 

Frederic was right in concluding that such a possible 
tentative on the part of France could only succeed were 
it abetted by the Jacobite party in England, and that 
party was moribund, killed by Pitt ; henceforth there 
were to be only Whigs and Tories. 

At the end of August Frederic broke off " conversa- 
tions " with Maria Theresa, and incontinently burst 
into Saxony, which he was determined to add to his 
kingdom. With 67,000 men he marched on Dresden 
in three columns, Marshal James Keith in command of 
the centre one. 



ANXIOUSLY the Earl Marischall watched Frederic's 
operations the occupation of Dresden, the capture of 
the Saxon army at Pirna, the defeat of Braun at 

He himself remained at Potsdam. D'Argens, that 
autumn, sent to Frederic a mot of Sir Andrew Mitchell's : 
" One sees Jacobites at Berlin, where there is no Pre- 
tender, which is odd." He referred to the Earl Mari- 
schall and the Earl of Tyrconnel, the French Minister. 

In January 1757 the King ran home for a few days, 
leaving Marshal Keith in command of headquarters at 
Dresden. Milord Marechal took the opportunity of 
Frederic's presence to arrange for a home for Ermetulla 
after his own death. He wrote to Minister Finkenstein : 

"When the collector's lease shall have run out, the Governor 
wishes to lease the orchard as a feof from the King, for his own 
life and for that of Mademoiselle fimet Ulla, a Turkish girl, whom 
he has brought up from her childhood. He offers to pay annually 
80 1, though the kitchen garden only brings in 54 1. 13 s. 9 c. and 
the fruit at most 15 1. For the fruit is bad, and the trees are too 
old. He further offers to plant new ones at his own expense, as 
he has already planted an espalier where there was nothing hitherto, 
and a hundred excellent fruit-trees. At the same time the governor 
begs that Mile. Emet Ulla may be given for life the second floor 
of the chateau of Colombier, the first floor of which is occupied 
by himself and the receveur. As to this second floor, it has no 



windows, no shutters ; the sun comes in and the floors are rotten, 
but the governor will eventually have all that repaired at his own 

In the spring a close alliance was concluded against 
Frederic Austria, Russia, France, and even Sweden, 
whose King his sister had married. Frederic was put 
to the ban of the Empire, outlawed, as it were. 

In April he launched his hazardous scheme by burst- 
ing into Bohemia, and the Austrians were defeated 
before the capital, Prague. Marshal Keith was left to 
invest it while Frederic moved to meet Daun, hastening 
to its relief. On June 18th the latter defeated Frederic 
at Kolin ; yet on the same day the King found a 
moment to write to Milord a cheerful letter describing 
the battle. 

" The Imperial grenadiers are an admirable corps ; they defended 
a height which my best infantry has not been able even to carry. 
Ferdinand attacked it seven times, but in vain. The first time he 
seized a battery, which he was unable to retain. The enemy had the 
advantage of a numerous and well-manned artillery ; it does honour 
to Lichtenstein, who is the head of it. Prussia alone can rival 
it. I had too few infantry. All my cavalry was present, and was 
idle, except for an effort I made with my gendarmes and some few 
dragoons. Ferdinand attacked without powder ; but, on the other 
hand, the enemy did not spare theirs. On their side were the 
heights, the entrenchments, and an enormous artillery. Several of 
my regiments have been shot down. Henry did wonders. I tremble 
for my worthy brothers ; they are too courageous. Fortune turned 
her back on me. I ought to have expected it ; she is a woman, and 
I am not gallant. I ought to have taken more infantry ; twenty- 
three battalions are not enough to dislodge sixty thousand men 
from an advantageous post. Success, my dear mylord, often gives 
a harmful confidence ; we shall do better another time. What do 
you say to this league which has no other object than the marquis 
of Brandenburg ? The Great Elector would be very surprised to 
see his great-grandson fighting with the Russians, the Austrians, 
nearly all Germany, and one hundred thousand French auxiliaries. 


I do not know if it would be shameful to me if I succumbed ; but 
I know that there is little glory in beating me." 

Even when at his lowest ebb Frederic never forgot 
his friends, and sought for sympathy where he could 
count upon it, as he could upon Milord's. 

"LEITMERITZ, July 8th, 1757. 

Milord. Much touched by the marks of remembrance and the 
attentions which you have been kind enough to give in your letter 
... as much by the sending me pears and chocolates, as by the 
kind feelings you continue to show me. I am very much indebted 
to you. The weather and the luck here have indeed changed 
lately ; but, thank God ! not so badly that we have lost the good 
hope of setting our affairs straight with divine assistance, and on a 
better footing. I hope you will always take the same interest 
in it." 

But the siege of Prague had to be abandoned, 
Marshal Keith making a wonderful retreat out of 
Bohemia into Lusatia. 

Things went from bad to worse. In North Germany 
the French defeated Frederic's Ally, the English under 
Cumberland, in July. In August the Russians, under 
Apraxin, won at Gross jagersdorf. Frederic hurried 
into Thuringia to meet Soubise advancing to free 
Saxony. Then came the great victory over him at 
Rosbach in November. Milord's heart was gladdened 
by a letter from Weidemann, the Field-Marshal's 
secretary, announcing the latter's safety, and four days 
after the battle James himself wrote, describing the 

" We have honoured the late affair with the name of a battle, 
though it was really nothing but a rout. The enemies wished to 
attack us, but we were beforehand with them. By the rapidity of 
our movements we were enabled to attack them in flank, while they 
were marching. . . . We have taken a great many of the Swiss, 
who do not seem to be such good runners as the French." 


Anxious to do all in his power to help the King in 
the turmoil of the onslaught hurled at him, the old 
Governor made up his mind to return to his post at 
Neuchatel, to its worries, and to its climate, which he 
detested. He went back in mid-winter. 

He had asked for details of the battle of Rosbach in 
the hope that Soubise would be justified, as it seemed 
incomprehensible that a commander of such ability 
could have been exposed to such an overthrow only 
through his own fault. Field Marshal Keith would 
not go into the investigation ; though he did not 
like to criticize, it was apparent, however, that 
he considered that the French had exposed their left 
flank too much. Prince Henry, however, the King's 
brother, sent Milord an account of the engagement. 

"LEIPZIG, December 14th, 1757. 

" The relations I have received of the engagement of the fifth are 
as follows : The enemies were posted beyond the river of Schweid- 
nitz, at Weesser, having the village of Leuthen exactly at their 
centre. Our army was formed in two lines, and the cavalry on the 
two wings. Six battalions were posted on our right, to cover the 
flank of our cavalry. Eight or ten battalions of our right com- 
menced the attack upon the left wing of the enemies, where were 
the troops commanded by Nadasti, and those of Wurtemberg and 
Bavaria. This wing was taken in flank, and while we thought we 
should attack their right wing. In consequence, all their batteries 
were ranged on that side, and it was necessary for them to change 
them, which they could not do quick enough ; and thus our troops 
had time to beat them, before their new batteries were formed. 
At the centre, near the village of Leuthen, all our army was exposed 
to their fire ; however, our right, which had completely turned their 
left, decided the affair in our favour. Our cavalry is not much 
talked of, but I have great praises of my hussars. Two generals 
were taken prisoners, and some 160 officers ; and some say 14,000 
and some 12,000 men, and 130 canons. General Ziethen has pursued 
them, and taken 2,000 of their baggage waggons, and a great quantity 
of ammunition, Our loss amounts to between 4,000 and 5,000 


killed and wounded. Breslau is occupied by six battalions of the 
enemy, and some battalions of Croats. I should think, though, 
that by this time we were masters of it. 

" Here you have, my dear marshal, the faithful relation of all I have 
heard respecting this event ; from which I conclude, that fortune, 
which has lately tossed us so much about, has not entirely turned 
her back upon us ; I therefore still hope our affairs may go on well. 
" I shall be charmed to send you good news as often as I can ; and 
interest you take in all that concerns us will render me the more 
anxious to give you all the proof possible of the esteem and friend- 
ship with which I am, Sir, 

" Your very devoted friend and servant, 

" HENRY." 

Frederic wrote from the " Suburbs of Breslau, 
December 9th, 1757 " : 

" I thank you, my dear my lord, for the interest you took in our 
successes. The bad state of my affairs in Silesia obliged me to 
rush thither after the battle of Weissenfels [the battle of Rosbach, 
won on November 5th]. On the 5th of this month we attacked the 
main Austrian army near Lissa ; fortune favoured us, and they 
suffered greatly. We have a hundred and sixty-three of their 
officers prisoners, of whom two are lieutenant-generals, besides 
twenty thousand men, a hundred and sixty-nine guns, forty-three 

mdards, and more than three thousand baggage wagons. I am 
>usy at this moment in retaking Breslau, while General Zieten is 

their heels. Quando avrai fine il mio tormento ! " 

At Christmas Milord Marechal was able to send the 
ling's extracts from a letter he had received from 
1 urin, in order to show Frederic how his achievements 
were impressing the Duke of Savoy. 

"... You will certainly be surprised and delighted to hear how 
Monseigneur the Duke of Savoy busies himself. He follows the 
King of Prussia in all his operations ; he has a book in which he notes 
them, and which he always carries in his pocket, and on each event 
he makes his notes. He is his hero, and he considers him as the 
greatest King and the greatest Captain that has ever been in this 
world, and he is never tired of talking about and admiring him," 


Milord added : 

" You are the best judge, Sire, if something complimentary to the 
Duke of Savoy would not be politic, without it appearing that it 
was your intention that it should reach his ears." 

On the back of the Earl's letter Frederic, now in 
winter quarters at Breslau, jotted down with his own 
hand : 

" To thank him, but to write that mediation is not yet in season, 
and that we must wait till things are riper. FEDERIC." 

Her King's victories over the French, the Austrians, 
and the Bussians had put Prussia into good spirits 
again. His relations and friends had collected around 
him at Breslau sister Amelia, brother Ferdinand, 
nephew-in-law of Wiirtemberg, D'Argens, Catte, Len- 
tulus and the Silesian city was gay at Carnival. 
Milord Marechal, amid the snows and fogs of the Jura 
lake-side, must have longed to be with them all. 

Early in 1758 Frederic realized that, despite his late 
trouncing of the three Allies, he must fight another 
campaign. He wrote to Milord Marechal in February : 
" There are so many things in the background very 
difficult to get over yet, so that you can well see for 
yourself that it will be necessary to make and to finish 
a whole campaign without having made an end of 

In spite of Rosbach the French would not hear of 
peace apart from their Allies, and were more active 
than ever. Pitt had roused Great Britain from her 
apathy, and, determined to wrest from France " every 
possession that she had outside her frontier, and to 
leave her crushed, humiliated, and powerless for aggres- 
sion " ; he poured British gold in subsidies to Prussia. 
The Eussians were threatening East Prussia, Pome- 


rania, and Brandenburg. Notwithstanding his recent 
successes, Frederic had his back to the wall and was 
fighting for his life. 

A body of Swiss had crossed the Rhine, owing, writes 
James Keith, to the intrigues of one Yessner, of the 
canton of Bern, who offered his regiment, and whose 
example was followed by others, except the canton of 
Zurich, twenty-eight battalions in all. Mitchell, the 
Prussian Envoy at Bern, was requested to interfere. 
On the other hand, some of the Swiss wished to fight for 
Frederic, who, however, declined their services through 
the Governor of Neuchatel. 

In the spring Frederic wrote hopefully but anxiously ; 
he was besieging Schweidnitz, in order to lessen the 
strain on Silesia. 

" BRESLAU, February 1ih, 1758. 

" I am much obliged to you, my dear mylord, for thinking of me ; 
we have here so many people who think a la Suisse, that I beg you to 
rid me of the Swiss who offer themselves to you. I am under- 
going great ventures ; kings, emperors, and newspaper men are 
unchained against me. But I hope to beat, or to have beaten for 
me, both one and the others. This, my dear mylord, is my firm 
intention, and I await the event philosophically, convinced that 
anxiety is of no use, and that only that which pleases fate or chance 
will happen. Adieu, my dear mylord ; I wish you rest during the 
troubles in Germany, and that you do not forget your friend while 
he runs great risks." 

But Milord had very little rest. He worked hard to 
cultivate the friendship of the Swiss Confederation, so 
important to Neuchatel, and grumbled to his brother 
that " it was necessary to be at one and the same time 
Governor of Neuchatel, and Ambassador of the King 
to the Confederation." But added that he had not 
asked for the latter post, as he meant to retire when 
the war was over. 


" GBUSSAU, 20th March, 1758. 

" We are condemned to fight this year also, my dear mylord, 
and, thanks to Heaven and Prince Ferdinand, the French will soon 
cross the Khine with their guarantee of the peace of Westphalia, 
which, by the way, has become one of their strongest generals. I 
am here in the mountains covering the siege of Schweidnitz, which 
is going to begin in a few days. I do not know how this campaign 
will end, but it is quite certain that we shall do our best that it 
ends well. 

" You send me a letter from M. Le Commun, to whom I send 
wishes for common sense ; he has an infernal machine, he says, 
which some one has invented in order to destroy the human race. 
Let him take it to Lucifer, if he will ; I will further pay him the 

secret of completely curing or malignant fevers. I embrace 

you, my dear mylord. If every one looked on things as philosophi- 
cally as we two do, peace would have been established long ago ; but 
we have to deal with folk accursed by God, for they are eaten up 
with ambition ; that is why I send them to all the devils. Do not 
doubt, my dear mylord, of the friendship and the regard which 
I shall only cease to have for you when I lose the feeling of life." 

But Frederic's friends were all anxious. A pleasing 
little touch of sympathy came from D'Alembert to 
Milord admiring verses to be placed under the por- 
trait of the King which the latter possessed. The old 
man's thoughts often turned back to his beloved Spain. 

In the spring of 1758 he sent a Neuchatel genius to 
exhibit his marvellous mechanical inventions to the 
King of Spain. Jacquet Droz was a native of the 
mountain village of Chaux de Fonds in the Val de Ruz. 
He had gone on from one invention to another till he 
had perfected some extraordinary automatons, about 
three feet high that of a girl who painted, of another 
who played the spinet, of a third, most wonderful of 
all, who wrote a letter dictated to her, erasing mistakes. 
The method of movement was a secret. It is generally 
supposed that it was given by a magnet. Milord sent 
Droz to the Court of Spain, to his friends there; to 


Don Jacynto Jovert he sent a present of a fine piece 
of mechanism. On the first exhibition of these mar- 
vellous figures to the King his courtiers scented magic, 
and, making the sign of the cross, fled, one after the 
other, till the King was left alone with Droz. 

Against Field-Marshal Keith's advice, Frederic sent 
him through Moravia to besiege Olmiitz, which he 
hoped might stir up a Protestant insurrection in Hun- 
gary. Olmiitz was the only important fortress held by 
Austria, and its siege would detain the Austrian forces, 
and free Frederic to act against Russia. 

In May James Keith sent his brother plans of the 
siege of Olmiitz with a letter, and a few weeks later he 
gave him an account of the taking of Schweidnitz, 
adding that 

" The King was much pleased with the part [of Milord's last 
letter] relating to the canton of Bern [and the Yassner affair]. Many 
compliments to Mademoiselle Emete. You never tell me anything 
of Ibrahim and Stepan. I should be glad to know if they are 
still with you and if they behave well. . . . The Swiss officer's 
remedy against danger made me laugh heartily, and the King 

For five weeks Milord Marechal waited anxiously for 
the news of the capture of Olmiitz. James Keith did 
his utmost, but the engineers blundered and an enor- 
mous convoy on the way to Keith was attacked by 
the Croats and had to be blown up to escape capture. 
The siege was perforce raised, and Frederic retreated 
into Bohemia. During the pause of a fortnight, when 
Frederic waited for Daun to engage him, James Keith 
wrote to his brother from Koniggratz, detailing the 
arduous retreat, and complaining of suffering from 
fever and gout for many weeks past. " I have need 
of repose, but our situation does not permit me to 


hope for it for some time, so I must drag myself along 
as well as I can. Adieu, my dearest brother. I will 
try to send you news of myself as often as I can." 

Two days previously Prince Augustus William, 
Frederic's next brother and heir, had died at Berlin. 
The King wrote very soon afterwards to Milord Mare- 
chal for sympathy. 

" KONIGINGEATZ, 20th July, 1758. 

" My dear mylord, I did not doubt of the sympathy you would 
have about the death of my poor brother [Augustus William, Prince 
of Prussia, died at Oranienburg, July, 12th 1758.] It is a cause of 
great sorrow to me, but I have not even the time to weep. Here, 
my dear mylord, are new enemies whom I must resist. It is a dog's 
life I am leading. If the least step fails, I am lost. May Heaven 
put a happy end to this strenuous career ! D'Alembert speaks about 
it at his leisure, but we who are judged, not by our actions, but by 
events, the least reverse makes us both unhappy and ridiculous 
at the same time. Adieu, my dear mylord ; live in peace at 
Colombier, and have masses said for the soul of your friend who 
is in purgatory." 

Daun declined an engagement and Frederic retreated 
from Bohemia, leaving Keith with the Silesian army, 
and marched over the sandy Mark towards the Eussians, 
who were besieging Ciistrin. He beat them with far 
inferior numbers, and, in answer to Milord's congratula- 
tions, sent him an account of the engagement. 

" SCHONFELDT, 25th September, 1758. 

" You are curious, you say, my dear mylord, to learn details of 
this battle [Zorndorf] upon which you congratulate me. As I 
have been perpetually on the move since then, you will have found 
the account of it that has been published very dry. All that I can 
tell you about it is that the Eussians have no generals at all. They 
do not know how to fight with the art of civilized nations, whence 
it follows that the soldier, using his courage wrongly, is easily put 
to rout. Our cavalry did nearly everything. The enemy left twenty- 
six thousand dead on the field. It seems enormous, but it is quite 


true. We have besides six generals, eighty-four officers, and over 
ten thousand men, prisoners. The wounded which the Russians 
carried off with them are calculated at nine thousand men. That 
is the total of the business, and which has been the result of thia 
bloody day. Since then the movements of Daun and the Imperial 
army have obliged me to run over to that side, where I have been 
stopped till now by the outposts of those people. One might say 
that the Caucassus mountains, or the peak of Teneriff, or the 
Cordillieras have given birth to the Austrian generals ; directly 
they see a mountain they are atop of it ; they are passionately 
fond of rocks and denies. This makes the war toilsome and long, 
and neither suits me. I shall have another six weeks of rope- 
dancing ; directly winter has come and that know how the play 
has ended, I will reply more at length about all you wish to ask me. 
Adieu, my dear friend ; I embrace you." 

" RAMSEN (RAMMENAU), October 4th, 1758. 

" I have received, my dear mylord, one of your letters of 
August 10th. I put its delay down to all the contretemps which 
war brings about. I feel all the more the proofs of your sympathy, 
as for a long time I am exposed to the hatred of the whole of Europe, 
It is the same as with a man who is all the more susceptible to the 
amusements of society of which he has been long deprived. I quite 
agree with you that Cartouche, Count Kaunitz, the Abbe Bernis, 
Palmstjerna, etc., etc., are kindred souls; but the difference is 
that justice was able to have Cartouche broken on the wheel, whereas 
our modern politicians are above all jurisdiction. They sit quietly 
in their courts, while their satellites enact the most bloody dramas. 
The patience of goodman Job is necessary in order to put up with all 
this, and I should prefer poor Maupertuis' fever [he died at Basle 
on July 27th, 1759] to the anxieties of the life I lead, for one seea 
the end of one and not of the other. It is true that people are 
beginning to talk about those folk who, instead of wearing hats, 
wind muslin round their heads ; but that is a long way off yet. 
Whatever happens, my dear mylord, happy or unfortunate, dead 
or alive, you can count on having a faithful friend in me, as long aa 

life lasts." 


All the past year the echo of the battle of Rosbach 
had reverberated through Neuchatel, in a manner 
peculiarly annoying to its Governor. 


Among so many overwhelming anxieties, one worry 
exasperated Frederic. After the battle of Rosbach, 
among the prisoners had been found some Neuchatel 
officers. The story runs that one of them was brought 
before the indignant King, who asked him how he 
dared to bear arms against his sovereign. The officer 
boldly quoted one of the General Articles of the Con- 
stitution signed by the House of Prussia when elected 
Princes of Neuchatel, and which defined that its in- 
habitants might fight in the ranks of the Prince's 
enemies, when he was engaged in war as King of Prussia 
and not as Prince of Neuchatel. 

The King was mollified by this frankness. "You 
are well acquainted with your charter of liberty," he 
replied, adding in a lighter vein, which, however, 
shows his interest in and intimate knowledge of, 
the internal affairs of even remote parts of his scattered 
dominions : " And your Seyon, does it still cause such 
floods ? " 

Nevertheless, the Governor received instructions to 
the four townships that His Majesty was displeased 
that his subjects should fight against him in person, 
and that they were to put a stop to it. Neuchatel, 
Boudry, and Landeron protested fidelity ; but the 
township of Valangin went further, and expelled from 
citizenship officers in the French service. This action 
met with disapproval throughout the country. One of 
these officers, Millet, a major in one of Louis's Swiss 
regiments, wrote from Cassel, where he was quartered 
under Soubise, indignant at being disfranchised. He 
added that he had been advised by his superior officers 
to appeal to France, but that he would first complain 
to the Government of Neuchatel. 

His Excellency was much annoyed. He published a 
manifesto showing that the King had in no way in- 


fringed the Articles, and that Valangin had overstepped 
its powers. 

On October 28th he convened a Council of State 
in the Grande Poele as the Hall was called, at the 
Castle, and read a long memorandum complaining 
bitterly of the three townships' interpretation of the 
King's manifesto, and laying down that Valangin was 
within its rights, and that if Millet appealed to France 
he would be guilty of high treason. Further, His 
Excellency announced that he should resign on account 
of the opposition he met with everywhere. In the end 
the three Town Councils gave way and united with the 
Council of State in pressing him to remain, and he 
consented to do so. 

The Governor, at this time, with the King's sanc- 
tion, set up a public lottery at Neuchatel. A Captain 
Gentil had written to Frederic by Minister Kniphausen, 
suggesting that the King should lend money to Neu- 
chatel on the security of the tribute of the principality, 
which, being remote from the seat of war, would be good 
guarantee. The income was sufficient to pay up the 
tribute, and also to pay back the capital annually. 
For further annulling of the debt, he suggested a public 
lottery. Frederic was in desperate need of money for 
the war, and Neuchatel would thus help to share a 
burden which it need not have borne otherwise. 

The King replied, civilly enough, that it was not to 
his taste to pledge the revenues of his province ; " that 
sort of operation is not to my taste or convenience. If 
he had any other plan to suggest which would not 
mortgage one of my provinces, I will listen favourably." 

All through this anxious time it was a great solace 
and happiness to the Earl Marischall to have Lord 
Elcho come to him again. Elcho had come to stay. 
His father was now dead, but, attainted and landless, 


Elcho must continue an exile. The Earl Marischall 
bought for him a charming country house at Cotendard, 
above Colombier, on the slope of the wooded mountain, 
and called after the district reclaimed from the forest, 
La Prise. 

It was especially fortunate that Elcho should now 
be near at hand, for a terrible blow was unexpectedly 
to strike his old friend. 

On the King's return from beating the Russian host 
at Zorndorf he found Daun intending to threaten 
Dresden, and hoped for an engagement. But Daun 
hid in the mountains east of Dresden, in his camp of 
Stolpen, while the other Austrian force penetrated into 
Upper Silesia, and blockaded Neisse. Frederic started 
to relieve Neisse, and on October 10th found Daun 
blocking his way at Hochkirch. Frederic encamped 
in a very exposed position. Field-Marshal Keith, who 
had only joined the King with his contingent a few 
days previously, was astonished at the enemy's bold 
disposition of their guns, and at the King's unsafe 
situation. He told him so frankly : "If the Austrian 
generals let us stay quiet in this position they deserve 
to be hanged." Frederic, obstinate, only snorted, little 
thinking how soon he was to lose his good friend. " We 
must hope they fear us more than they fear the gallows/' 
he said. 

At five o'clock in the morning, in a thick autumnal 
haze, the King's exposed right wing was attacked by 
the Austrians. The Prussian army was unprepared and 
asleep. For five hours the conflict raged round the 
church on the wooded height of Hochkirch. It was 
taken, retaken, and taken again. Frederic himself 
made valiant exertions. When, at last, obliged to 
withdraw his decimated troops, having lost the greater 
part of his baggage, standards, and one hundred-and- 



o guns, he left dead on the field of honour his wife's 
young brother, and valiant old Marshal Keith, shot in 
the midst of his heroic exertions to rally his men for 
a third attack. 

The night of the surprise at Hochkirch, the poor 
suffering Margravine of Baireuth, Frederic's best- 
beloved sister, passed to her rest. The two friends had 
each indeed been terribly smitten. 

Two days before Hochkirch James Keith had written 
what was to be his last letter to his " dearest brother/' 
He was 

" Anxious for peace ; for my health can no longer sustain the 
fatigues of war, especially ... as we are forced each campaign to 
run after so many neighbours from one e%d of Germany to the 
other. . . . Adieu, my dearest brother. Give my compliments to 
Mile. Emetulla. I love her ten times more since she has, or at 
least her master has, become the second protector of the oppressed 
Protestant Church. As for your Epitaph, I advice (sic) you to 
belie it by a big fire and a good fur coat, as I do here." 

By the hand of Catte, his private secretary, Frederic 
sent the terrible news of the two bereavements to 
Milord Marechal, on the very day of the defeat. 

" Write," he said, "a very feeling letter to poor mylord Marechal 
on his brother's death. I have lost a good head there. What will 
Lord Mareschall say ? I already sympathize and share in his distress. 

" It is with deep distress," the letter ran, *' my lord Marischall of 
Scotland, that I inform you of the death of my brave Marshal 
Keith ; and as if all misfortunes were joining to overwhelm me, the 
princess of Baireuth, the most cherished sister, and who most 
deserved it, has also been snatched from me. God preserve you 
and have you in His holy keeping ! " 

Added in the King's own hand : 

" What sad news for you and for me ! " 


It was a good thing for the old Earl Marischall, so 
far away from Frederic and his friends, that he had 
at least one near him. 

" He displayed," writes Lord Elcho, " the philosophy 
and fine courage habitual to his character." 

To Maupertuis at Berlin Milord indited a proud 
epitaph for his " dearest brother." " Probus vixit, 
fortis dbiit" he wrote. To Madame Geofirin at Paris : 
" My brother has left me a fine heritage. At the head 
of his army he laid all Bohemia under contribution, and 
seventy ducats is his sole fortune." 

Not by a hint did Milord ever blame Frederic, though 
the King knew, and he knew, that it was the obstinacy 
of the latter, his defiance of the advice of his bravest 
generals, including Marshal Keith, which had led to 
the occupation of that fatal ridge at Hochkirch, and 
the consequent surprise. On the contrary, Milord wrote 
to a friend : 

" I cannot doubt, in this last affair, when a wing of his army 
was surprised, that it was the fault of him who commanded that 
wing, and not the king's, who by his letter showed that he was not 
entirely in such security as could offer no opportunity for surprise. 
He wrote to me on October 4th : * Till the snow falls, I must dance 
the tight rope.' Thus does he look upon the trade of a general 
of our army. He adds : ' You speak, my dear my lord, very much 
at your leisure ; you do not know all the toil, all the care which I 
have to take to conduct such a complicated machine, where the 
least accident may upset everything.' He gave me to understand 
that he would have given half his glory for a little rest." 

A few weeks later Frederic wrote to Milord : 

" DRESDEN, November 23rd, 1758. 

" There is nothing left for us, my dear my lord, but to mingle 
and mix our tears on our losses. If my head contained a reservoir 
of tears they would not suffice for my grief. Our campaign is 
over, and nothing has come of it on one side or the other but the 


loss of many good men, the misfortune of many poor soldiers 
maimed for ever, the ruin of some provinces, the ravaging, pillage, 
and burning of some nourishing towns. Such, my dear mylord, are 
the exploits which make humanity shudder, sad results of the 
malice and ambition of some powerful men who sacrifice everything 
to their unbridled passions ! I wish for you, dear mylord, nothing 
at all resembling my fate, but everything that it lacks. It is the 
only means for you to be happy ; I am more interested in this than 
any one, being your old friend, a designation I shall retain till the 

Voltaire, from " Les Delices," sent his condolences in 
English : 

" Mylord, when I, last year, ventured on prophecies, like Isaiah 
and Jerimiah, I did not think that I should weep this year over 
your worthy brother. I learnt of his death and of that of the 
King's sister at the same time. Nature and war combine on 
calamities for your King. 

" The loss of Marshal Keith is a great one. All your philosophy 
cannot remove your grief. Philosophy assuages the wound and 
leaves the heart wounded. 

" This present war is the most hellish that ever was fought. 
Formerly Your Lordship witnessed one battle a year at the most ; 
but nowadays the earth is covered with blood and mangled car- 
cases every month. 

" Let the happy lunatics who say that all is well be confounded ! 
'Tis not so, indeed, with twenty provinces exhausted and with 
300,000 men murdered. 

" I wish Your Lordship the peace of mind necessary in this lasting 
hurricane of horror, and I enjoy a calm and delightful life that 
Frederic will never taste. But the more happy I am, the more I 
pity Kings." 

At Christmas time, from his sad winter quarters at 
Breslau, secluded, sorrowing, the King sent Milord a 
poem on the death of his brother. 

General Lacey, commanding an Austrian division at 
Hochkirch, and who had been James Keith's fellow- 
pupil on the Russian steppes under Miinnich, with 


tears in his eyes recognized his body among the heap 
of slain round the churchyard at Hochkirch, and laid 
it in a soldier's grave. Two months later it was borne 
to Berlin, and, amid the sorrow of all who had known 
him, deposited in a tomb in the Garrison Church. But 
neither Frederic nor the Earl Marischall followed the 
hero's cortege. The King was far away at Breslau, 
brooding sadly over the past, and preparing for the 
future, for a fresh campaign in which he would sorely 
miss his Scotch Field-Marshal. 

The " dearest brother " was also far away, in the 
south, back again in his beloved Spain ! 



SINCE the rather sudden death of Barbara, Queen of 
Spain, the wife of Ferdinand, that well-meaning but 
weak monarch had fallen into a hypochondriacal and 
melancholic condition which was rapidly passing into 
that of insanity. Jacquet Droz had to wait six long 
months at Madrid ere the King was in a fit state to 
appreciate the marionettes he had brought for his in- 

Barbara and Ferdinand had worked sedulously for 
peace, and for the reform and improvement of their 
country. Their heir was Ferdinand's half-brother 
Charles, King of Naples, the son of Elizabeth Farnese, 
now living at S. Ildefonso, in the retirement enforced 
on widows of Spanish sovereigns. The new Foreign 
Minister was Richard Wall, an Irishman by birth, life- 
long in the Spanish service, and an old friend of the 
Earl Marischairs. He had been Spanish Minister in 
London, and, with the help of the British Minister at 
Madrid, Sir Benjamin Keene, had brought about the 
downfall of Eusenada, the Minister of War, Finance, 
Marine, and the Indies. Eusenada had laboured in- 
cessantly for French interests and the renewal of what 
was termed the Family Compact, between the French 
and Spanish Bourbons against the world. But neither 
the lures of London or Versailles could induce Ferdi- 
nand to be dragged into hostilities. 



Austria had just signed the third Treaty of Versailles, 
December 28th, 1758, by which France continued to 
support Maria Teresa with men and money. The 
Abbe Bernis, who had arranged this, had been dis- 
graced, and was succeeded by the Due de Choiseul as 
Minister of Foreign Affairs. The Due, while accepting 
this treaty, determined to be quit of it as soon as he 
could, and turned to a more intimate understanding 
with Spain. For, though the Pompadour was " far 
from any thought of peace," France had been beaten 
by England in Canada, India, and Germany, and was 
in financial distress. 

In England Pitt was the dominating figure, at last 
acclaimed with frenzy to the apex of government. 
" England," quoth Frederic of Prussia, " has long been 
in travail, and has suffered a good deal to produce 
William Pitt; but she certainly has brought forth a 


Frederic himself wanted peace, but he feared that 
Pitt would arrange a peace with exhausted France, 
leaving him in the lurch, despite the Convention of 
Westminster. Feeling that Spain, so pacifically in- 
clined all round, could negotiate peace, he looked 
about him for the man to employ to that end, and his 
choice fell upon the "old Valentian." 

Milord was in correspondence with Wall. 

A few weeks before he had written to his old friend 
that he had 

" Heymewe [heimweh] but not for Switzerland, but por el airre 
Espanol. ... I should have liked to fly a little time ago, from 
mi isla Barataria ; all the people began to cry out against it ; they 
want me to remain, as you keep un vigo borico que no tira coces va il 
camino drecho y onesta poco de corner ; yo al contrario quisiere scar- 
parme de todo travaxo, Oxala. (An old donkey that does not kick, 
goes the straight and honest road little to eat ; I, on the contrary, 

Tirm 1 1 rl xi 



would wish to occupy myself in every sort of work would that I 

Milord sent on to the King extracts of a letter he 
had received from Spain, throwing light on Spanish 

"NEUCHATEL, November 12th, 1758. 

" SIRE. I take the liberty of sending your Majesty an extract 
of what a friend in Spain has written to me. He has a voice in the 
chapter ; perhaps I might be able to do you some service were I 
there. I think the feelings of the Court of Spain are further removed 
from your enemies than during the life of the Queen who was con- 
sidered to be in favour of the House of Austria. The branch of the 
House of Bourbon must naturally look upon the aggrandizement of 
that Austria with jealousy and fear. 

" If the Turks attack Austria all Christendom will be called upon 
for help. One may tell them that it is a free nation going to war 
by a just fear of the aggrandizement of their natural enemies the 
Muscovites and the Austrians, and with all the greater reason 
because those last are allied with the only nation in Europe whence 
the Turks have formerly drawn assistance against the House of 
Austria ; that, even supposing Your Majesty had tried to persuade 
the Ottomans to make a diversion which would be of use to you, 
one cannot deny that the Turks are worth more than the heathen 
Kalmucks hired to burn and destroy your States. 

" There was an outcry in Spain over the way in which the Queen 
of Poland had been treated. She chose to remain in a town in 
possession of Your Majesty rather than to go and live in Poland 
with the King her husband, an evident proof that she has been 
as well treated as the circumstances of war would permit. Your 
Majesty protects and employs his Roman Catholic subjects like his 
Protestant ones ; you have had a church built for these in your 
Capital ; you instructed me to ask the confessor of the King of 
France for two Jesuits to educate the young nobles ; there are 
many good things to say which would destroy the impression which 
your enemies' Calumny have created among a bigoted people ; 
I hope I should be listened to if I spoke as a private person ; if, 
later on, it seemed well to you to have a minister at that Court, 
Your Majesty would send one and I should go away to put myself 
in a gondola at Venice. 

'* It would only cost what you have been kind enough to give me 


here, a hundred louis for my journey and as much to return again. 
Living as a private person, and not being a Minister, I should have 

" Letters reach here fairly safely by the Spanish Courier, who 
carries them to Geneva. 

" I have, I must confess, my own particular interests, 1st to do 
you service, should I be so fortunate, 2nd to get out of the snow and 
the perpetual worries ; I would almost as lief be the King of Sweden 
as Governor of Neuchatel. If Your Majesty thinks my journey 
can be of some use, let him command ; if it appears of none, I 
implore you, Sire, to grant me the favour of retiring hence in order 
to end my days in peace, and handing over affairs to the Council 
of State till Your Majesty has named another Governor. I am, 
with the most inviolable devotion and the most profound respect." 

The King first sounded Milord through Maupertuis. 
At this crisis of his master's affairs the loyal old man 
had no mind to be idle could he but serve Frederic. 
But he was diffident of his powers, and had no taste 
for another Embassy. 

He cannot do what Maupertuis requires of him ; he 
is not worthy of the title of " clever politician " with 
which Maupertuis honours him. 

" I am deaf with one ear, and do not hear very well with the other. 
My memory is gone. If I had dealings with a Minister, in talking 
to him I should forget half and probably a third of his answers. I 
am older in temperament than in years ; I have never been good at 
business ; at the present time I drivel a bit, and I have sense enough 
to know it. So, sir, you must seek another negotiator." 

Early in December Minister Finkenstein wrote to 
Secretary Podevils from Dresden : 

"... The King told me that Milord Marechall d'Ecosse had 
let him know that he would be very glad to make a trip to Spain if 
His Majesty judged his presence in that country would be useful 
to him, and as in the meantime had come Baron de Kniphausen's 
despatch in which that Minister had made mention of the suggestion 
of M. Wall relative to the mediation, His Majesty had resolved to 
agree to the request of Milord, in the hope that his mission might 


not be altogether useless, supposing it should one day be a question 
of mediation, this Minister, moreover, having been for many years 
in close relation with the said M. Wall [during his Spanish service]. 
So His Majesty suggested letters of credence for Milord, but not 
touching on the object of the mission." 

Frederic lost no time. He himself wrote from 
Dresden to Milord on two successive days. 

"DRESDEN, December 8th, 1758. 

" Without tearing open our wounds, my dear my lord, by laying 
an intrusive hand upon them, I pass by the subject of our sorrows 
and our tears, to turn to that of your Spanish journey. I perceive 
in that the proofs of your friendship and the wish you have of 
serving a State governed by your friend. I will furnish the sum 
which you require for your journey. It will be difficult to give 
you instructions ; one is not even certain that Spain would under- 
take mediation for peace. Should this be the case, you can be 
sure beforehand that I would sooner die a thousand times over 
than to consent to conditions of peace which would tarnish Prussia ; 
that perhaps one might even draw some advantages from an under- 
standing, and, as it is a preliminary to win the mediator's favour, 
no one but you is more designed to ingratiate themselves and to 
make the court which employs you respected and liked. I cannot 
give you any definite instructions till the enemy begins to speak, 
or the organs by which they desire to communicate their intentions 
explain them to us. You inform me that my enemies calumniate 
me even to the Escurial. I am used to it ; I hear nothing but their 
speech about me ; I am fed on almost nothing else but infamous 
satires and coarse fallacies which hatred and animosity never cease 
publishing over Europe. But one gets used to everything ; Louis 
XIV must in the end have been as disgusted and satiated by the 
flatteries which ceaselessly filled his ears as I by all the evil spoken 
of me. These are unworthy weapons which great princes should 
never use against their equals ; it is a mutual degradation, and 
teaches the public to laugh over what it is to the interest of princes 
to make them respect. What matter these little humiliations of 
one's amour-propre ? Our enemies sometimes do us good by per- 
secuting us : 

" ' Au Ciel persecute Cinna dut sa naissance.' 
[See Boileau, Epitre XII, A. M. Kacine, verse 52. Cardinal Richelieu 

ii 5 


endeavours to suppress the Cid, Oorneille's tragedy, played for the 
first time in 1636, and that poet produced in 1640 his tragedy of 
Cinna, his masterpiece.] 

" I leave them all to the impulses of their hatred, to the fury 
of their resentment, to assure you, my dear mylord, that as long as I 
live you can count upon the constancy and solidity of my friend- 

"DRESDEN, December 9, 1758. 

" I love peace, as you say, my dear mylord, as much as any one, 
and perhaps more from the feelings of humanity which are some- 
what unknown to your politicians. It remains to be seen what 
the conditions are on which one can conclude it ; that is the touch- 
stone, and should decide its preparation. It is certain that, if every 
one finds their interest in it, with a stroke of the pen every one 
can go home satisfied ; but, if it is a question of a truce, and if, in a 
few years, it will be necessary to bathe again in blood, it would not 
be worth while to suspend just now the exercise of cutting each 
other's throats in which one is engaged. Arrange that these people, 
who say they are so pacific, begin by laying down the terms of 
understanding, that we may see what they are aiming at, and what 
is to be expected of them ; it is thus one must feel their pulse. If 
they keep to vague paralogisms, it is a certain sign that they have 
no other aim but to sow mistrust and dissension between my allies 
and myself ; if they explain themselves, if they speak, I could 
communicate their proposals to my allies, from whom I will never 
separate myself, and these overtures could result in a formal nego- 
tiation, or in the holding of a congress. These are my notions. I 
think them right and natural ; see the others advance, make them 
speak, concert with my allies that is what suits me and what I 
ought to do. To beg for peace, to yield before enemies who have 
persecuted me in a cruel and atrocious manner, that is what I will 
never do. Adieu, my dear friend ; I leave to-morrow for Breslau, 
where I fix my headquarters, assuring you of the constancy of the 
feelings which I have vowed to you for life." 

Formal instructions, very secret, followed on Decem- 
ber 19th in the King's own hand : 

" As you have asked leave to go on a trip to Spain, I do myself 
the pleasure of agreeing to this request. Knowing the respect you 
have acquired for yourself in the Court of Madrid, and the close 
relations in which you have been for many years with Sieur Wall, 


principal minister at that Court, I am very glad to profit by the 
occasion to entrust you with the watching over my interests at the 
Court of Madrid during the stay you make there." 

After compliments to the Royal Family, he goes on 
to say that " in consequence of the present crisis of 
affairs," he will not invest him with any special charac- 
ter. He was to profit by the good feeling in Spain to- 
wards Frederic, especially as regarded mediation, to 
judge the trend of opinion, and, should occasion offer, 
to let Wall know that Frederic would be pleased to 
arrive at the re-establishment of peace through the 
good offices of His Catholic Majesty. 

He mentions that Denmark is burning to mediate, 
and has let it be known both in Berlin and London. As 
his interests are the same as those of England, he 
could not avoid entering into relations with the English 
Ambassador, and would now try to gain his confidence, 
without informing him that Milord had heard from Wall. 

Then a further subject. The King of Spain was 
failing, perhaps he would abdicate ; in which case the 
succession of Don Carlos to the throne was near. By 
the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, Maria Teresa stipulated 
for the revenues of Parma and Piacenza, directly Don 
Philip became King of the two Sicilies. But Don 
Carlos never agreed to this ; he will not resign the Two 
Sicilies to Philip on becoming King of Spain. Thus a 
rupture will ensue in Italy. This matter must be care- 
fully attended to. 

There was talk of a Maritime League France, Spain, 
Denmark, and Holland against England. This also 
must be attended to. 

It would not do to go to Spain through France ; to 
take the route by Genoa would be best. 

" I entirely rely on your dexterity and zeal I know 
for my interests. FEDERIC." 


THE friendship between Frederic and the Earl Mari- 
schall was too strong for the King, when sending old 
Milord to work for him in Spain, not to seek to benefit 
him in return. 

It was now in Frederic's power, thanks to the better 
understanding between Prussia and England, to secure 
for the Earl Marischall a favour for which he had for 
some time been secretly longing. 

We have seen how he had broken with the last of 
the Stuarts ; we have seen how, in 1740, James Keith, 
who was not attainted, had been received by George II. 

Now that his beloved brother had gone the old man's 
thoughts must often have wandered back to the days 
of their youth, and, amid all the anxieties and vexations 
in central Europe, a deep longing possessed him to be 
back once more in the old home by t( the bonny banks 
and braes of Urgie," and " the hoarse sea winds and 
caverns of Dunottar." 

Some months before his death James Keith had 
been aware of his brother's desire and had written to 
Scotland to their brother-in-law, the Earl of Galloway. 

Moreover, the death of the Earl of Kintore, a cousin, 
descended from the sixth Earl Marischall, now ap- 
peared imminent. His estates should by descent de- 
volve on Milord Marechal were the latter in a legal 


By Francesco Trevisani. From a portrait at Keith Hall. 

II. t>8] 


position to inherit them. But, as attainted, he could 
neither hold, nor succeed to, any real estate in Great 

For this reason, before leaving Neuchatel for Spain, 
Milord wrote to the King through Eichel, Secretary of 
State, asking for Frederic's influence to obtain his 
pardon as the reversal of his attainder. Frederic 
replied on January 2nd, 1759, from Breslau : 

" I have seen, my dear mylord, from the letter you wrote to 
Eichel, what you wish me to do about your affairs. I have much 
pleasure in being useful to you. I will speak at once to-morrow to 
M. Mitchell about what you wish. [Sir Andrew Mitchell was the 
British Ambassador at Frederic's Court, afterwards M.P. for 
Kintore.] I shall not conduct my intercession coldly, but with all 
the zeal of friendship ; I will negotiate warmly, and, if it is possible 
to find means to satisfy you, I will obtain it. Nevertheless, I beg you 
to think that the success of the affair does not depend on me, that 
ministers and officials are generally hard ; and, accustomed as they 
are to daily recommendations, they do not make much of them. 
But what I can assure you, and what you may count upon, is, that 
I shall never fail you, and that, had I only one shirt, I would share 
it with you. 

" I think I have guessed the clause which you have struck through 
in your letter. They say the King of Spain is ill in mind and body 
and ready to abdicate and to descend into the grave. You may 
judge what a position this crisis places the people in who are attached 
to the Government. There is talk of Don Carlos ; they think he 
wishes to have Spain and to keep the kingdom of Naples. He is 
right, but others do not see it in that light ; those who wish to 
peer into the future think that all this muddle might lead to a war 
in Italy, at least embroil those two dear friends who assist each 
other to assassinate me very christianly and very apostolically. 
But I do not trouble about that ; I have only my sword and my 
just cause on my side, and I am convinced that this chance which 
produces such extraordinary events will perhaps bring about some 
happy one ; but if that does not happen one must take one's course 
all the same. Adieu, my dear mylord ; I embrace you with all my 


The King followed up this letter by himself writing 
to George II. 

"BRESLAU, January 6th, 1759. 


" Your Majesty will not disapprove if I write to him to-day 
to ask him a favour which will be at the same time an act of cle- 
mency on his part. I know how inclined He will be to it by his own 
natural generosity ; therefore far from causing him any pain, I 
think I shall do him pleasure in affording him further occasion of 
showing his kindness and mercy. It is a question of my old friend, 
the brother of Marshal Keith who was so unfortunately killed at 
Hoch Kirch. In his youth, full of prejudices inculcated by his 
parents, he sided with the party to which his family was formerly 
attached. He himself feels how easy it is in times of troubles and 
civil discords to go astray. He implores the clemency of Your 
Majesty and asks his pardon for the past, not in order to regain 
possession of the property which has been confiscated from him, 
but to be qualified to succeed to the heritage of one of his cousins, 
who has lately died. I am sure that Your Majesty will willingly 
do something for him ; I go bail for him, and I am ready to answer 
for him, all the more as whoever was not of my opinion about 
the interests of Your Majesty and his Kingdoms, would never be 
counted among the number of my friends. 

" I am, with the highest consideration, Monsieur mon frere, 
" Your Majesty's Good brother, 


At the same time Sir Andrew Mitchell, anxious to 
serve his friend, wrote to the Earl of Holdernesse, joint 
Secretary for Foreign Affairs with Pitt, and in charge 
of the relations with Northern Europe. 

Frederic followed up his formal letter to the King 
of England by a warm and " very urgent " one to 
Baron von Kniphausen, his Minister in London, from 
Breslau, on January 6th : 

" You will remember, doubtless, what passed a little while ago 
on the subject of Milord Marechal, whose pardon I wished to procure 
from the King of England; but as, in consequence of the most 


important business that supervened, that affair went no further 
for the time being, and as a cousin of Milord's, the Earl of Kintore, 
has just died, and his estates are entailed in favour of Lord Marechal, 
I am extremely desirous of obtaining his pardon from His Britannic 
Majesty, that he may inherit from the said cousin. It is not that this 
worthy man wishes for his pardon in order that all his family 
property may revert to him ; he sees that there would be too many 
difficulties about that, as his estates were sold, and the King of 
England could not take them from those now possessing them 
without paying for them, which would amount to a considerable 
sum. He only aspires to the inheritance of his cousin, Lord Kintore, 
which is entailed to him for life, and to be allowed, by means of this 
pardon, to be at liberty to go to England, when his affairs demand 
his presence there. 

" I have spoken of this to Sir Andrew Mitchell, who has promised 
me to write to the ministers, and I desire that you also speak 
to these ministers, as of an affair I have much at heart, in order 
to bring it speedily to a successful conclusion. For this reason 
I have also even addressed His Britanic Majesty, to whom I have 
written the enclosed letter on the subject." 

The letter to George II was sent under cover to the 
Prussian Minister that he might sound the King first, 
in order not to lay himself open to a refusal. 

Mitchell wrote to Lord Holdernesse : 

" BBESLATT, Monday 8th, January 1759. 

" Last Thursday the King of Prussia told me he had received 
letters from Lord Marischal, his Governor at Neuchatel, desiring 
that his Prussian Majesty would be pleased to recommend him to 
his Majesty's grace and pardon. The King of Prussia added that 
he believed a relation of Lord Marischal's was lately dead, to whom 
he should have succeeded, which had occasioned the present 
application. I answered that I apprehended, as Mr. Keith had 
been attainted by Act of Parliament, no part of the attainder could 
be reversed but by Parliament. 

" The King of Prussia replied, * I know nothing of your forms, but 
I shall be obliged to you if you will write to the King's ministers 
in my name, to desire them to intercede with the King for Lord 


Marischal's pardon, which ' he says, ' I will consider as a personal 
favour done to myself. 

" I assured his Prussian Majesty I was ready to obey his com- 
mands forthwith, and that I believed every minister in the King's 
service would not only give the utmost attention to what he was 
pleased to suggest, but be willing to go all lengths to oblige him, 
as far as the laws and constitution of the country permitted. 

" The King of Prussia then said, ' "What Lord Marischall asks does 
not appear unreasonable ; he does not desire restitution of dignity 
or estate, only to be rehabilitated ; I therefore hope his request 
may easily be granted ; I will write myself to the King about it, 
and I trust to you to recommend this to the King's ministers.' 

" In a subsequent conversation I had with the King of Prussia, 
after talking over the same things, he added, ' I know Lord Marischall 
to be so thorough an honest man, that I am willing to be surety 
for his future conduct.' 

" I have mentioned minutely everything that has passed con- 
cerning this affair, in order to show Your Lordship how much this 
generous monarch has the interest of his old servant at heart, even 
in the midst of the greatest and most important occupations, and 
I despatch this messenger on purpose, having no news of any sort 
to transmit." 

George II, now on good terms with " our nephew," 
lost no time in acceding to his request. 

Fredericks delight was reported by Mitchell on 
February 14th, 1759 : 

" His Prussian Majesty was highly pleased with the favour the 
King had lately done him in the person of the late Lord Marischal ; 
and he expressed to me, in very strong terms, the sense he had of 
it, and of the readiness with which His Majesty had granted it." 

Marischall, however, did not receive the good news 
till he was on his way to Spain. Frederic wrote to him 
from Breslau after he had started from Neuchatel. 

"BRESLAU, 11 February 1759. 

" I have your letter, my dear mylord, and I note in it your de- 
parture for Nice ; I am very pleased to send you at the same time 



an extract of my letters from England, by which you will see that 
I have succeeded happily in the commission you entrusted to me. 
I congratulate you with all my heart, while assuring you that 
nothing can change the esteem I have for you." 

On landing at Valencia, Milord sent a most grateful 
reply, on March 24th, 1759 : 

"... You have done me the greatest pleasure that a man can 
receive in saying that you will answer for me. I will not deceive 
you, Sire, nor the King of England ; he can be quite sure of it. 
From the papers, he has granted my pardon." 

But there were formalities to be gone through, and 
a necessary delay. By the King's patent of May 29th, 
1759, the attainder was not reversed, only a pardon 
granted with leave to inherit property. To Holder- 
nesse, Secretary of State, Pratt and York, lawyers, wrote 
" that the King had been pleased to signify his most 
gracious intentions of granting a full and free pardon 
to Mr. Keith (late Earl Marischall) (attainted by 
Statute of George I i. c. 42), of all treasons and mis- 
prisions of treason, crimes, and offences whatever." 
In their opinion an Act of Parliament would be neces- 
sary, as in the case of the Earl of Bolingbroke, and " the 
Bill could soon be passed through Parliament." The 
Act was passed on July 25th, 1759. King George was 
also pleased to bestow on the (still " late ") Earl Mari- 
schall, a sum of money, a balance in connection with 
the sale of his confiscated estates in 1725. But dila- 
tory are the ways of Parliament, and the matter was 
not wound up for two years. 

Letters took a long time reaching Spain from Eng- 
land. The Earl Marischall did not receive Sir Andrew 
MitchelFs letter acquainting him with the success of 
the latter's efforts till five months after it was written. 
He sent his grateful thanks at once. 


" MADRID, ce 24 Aoitt, 1759. 

"You may wonder at my long silence. Your kind letter of 
5th March came into my hands only last packet-boat from England ; 
it was forwarded by our countryman Mr. Wood. I am most grate- 
fully acknowleging of the goodness of both the Kings towards me, 
and also of your good offices ; for I knew, by the Baron Knip- 
hausen, that, before he delivered the King of Prussia's letter, the 
King of England was allready disposed to grant my pardon ; you 
had, it seems, previously prepared well the way, as I have writ 
to my friends in Scotland, that they may know the obligation I 
think I have to you." 

Sir Andrew had also been helpful to Milord in pro- 
curing a commission in the British Guards for a distant 
young cousin of Milord's. As the direct line of his 
family seemed certain to die out James Keith left no 
legitimate children the old man's thoughts, now that 
he was once more in affluence, turned to his own 
remote relations, and he had written to Mitchell before 
leaving Neuchatel : 

" I knew his brother, I knew his father and his great-uncle. They 
lost the small property they had in consequence of the troublous 
times. They are descended from my family; it is a line which 
branched off a long time ago." 

In his letter of thanks to Mitchell Milord added : 

" I know from Baron Kniphausen not only of the King's good- 
ness and clemency, but also the favor of his Ministers towards 
me ; whatever more they shall add, shall be with gratitude received, 
and to them I leave it." 

A week before the Earl Marischall wrote to the Duke 
of Newcastle and Lord Holdernesse, signing himself only 
" Keith/' as a way out of a difficulty, and thanking 
them for the news communicated by Kniphausen that 
his pardon had " passed the seals." 


Horace Walpole could not, of course, resist a gibe 
when he heard of the King's clemency to the Earl 
Marischall. In a postscript to General Conway he adds : 

" I forgot to tell you that the King has granted my Lord Maris- 
chalPs pardon, at the request of M. de Kniphausen. I believe the 
Pretender himself could get his attainder reversed if he would apply 
to the King of Prussia." 



THE Governor had left Neuchatel at the end of January 
1759, almost secretly, without telling any one of his 

He went first to Nice, lingered on the Riviera, en- 
joying the companionship of " his good friend the sun," 
and then passed on to Turin, where he had conferences 
with Charles Amadeo, King of Sardinia, a strong 
man, who had dispossessed his own father, and who 
laid claim to the Bourbon principalities of Parma and 

Voltaire noted in February the movements of his 
neighbour Milord. 

To the Margravine of Baden-Durlach he wrote that 
he was 

" Awaiting the death of the King of Spain to disturb the rest of 
Europe. Milord Marechal, or Mr. Keith, Governor of Neuchatel, 
has just passed over the Alps to go and negotiate in Italy ; they 
say it is only for a general pacification." 

To the Countess of Liitzelburg he wrote on Febru- 
ary 2nd, 1759 : 

" The mildest of winters. Do you know Milord Marechal, formerly 
an English conspirator, formerly a refugee in Spain, now Governor 
ad honores of the little principality of Neuchatel ? Yesterday he 
passed through Geneva, to go, by order of the King of Prussia his 



master, to ignite if he can some torches of discord in Italy. If he 
only uses the money his master gives him he will do but poor 

Going by sea from Genoa to Barcelona, Milord 
lingered again at Valencia, not unwillingly, probably 
to see if the King of Spain showed any signs of recover- 
ing from his malady, and only reached Madrid at the 
end of May. 

Frederic, as we see from his letters, did not wish him 
to hurry. 

" BBESLATT, 18th January, 1759. 

" MY DEAR MYLORD, I have received two of your letters, one 
concerning the estate of Your worthy brother, the other about the 
affairs of Spain. I have done what you asked me, that is to say, as 
far as the law allows me to interfere in a military will and in the 
wishes of those who died in fighting for the State. As for the 
second clause, I think that if you put off your journey for a few 
weeks, it will be quite as well, so that we may see first if the King 
of Spain remains on the throne, if he dies, and what turn affairs 
take in Madrid. For it is not likely that, while one is busy arranging 
the succession, or while a new King is settling himself on the throne, 
that one uses these first moments to interfere in a mediation. But 
when things shall have cleared up a little, I think your journey 
could be very useful. I think that you should have received by 
now the two hundred pistoles. As for the letter you ask me for, 
I will write it for you without much trouble ; there are my feelings 
and will cost me no constraint to express them. Adieu, my dear 
mylord; I embrace you. Do not forget a poor devil who, not 
believing much in purgatory, is experiencing all the horrors of it 
in this world. 

" N.B. I must warn you that in France they are further off 
from peace than ever. The Due de Choiseul is the slave of Vienna. 
The worth of Bernis, when he was in favour, has been too much 
exaggerated ; and now he is blamed. He deserved neither one 
nor the other." 

Two more letters from Frederic reached Milord soon 
after his arrival. 


"LANDESHUT, 11 May, 1759. 

" I do not know, my dear Mylord, if ever I shall eat melons from 
your seeds, but I do know that on the 24th of March here we had 
two feet of snow in the mountains. The place makes a very good 
outpost, opposite the enemy, but as a place of residence, it is very 
disagreeable. My brother Henry's operations in Bohemia have been 
as lucky as those of Prince Ferdinand against the French turned 
out ill. I hunted the Austrians, who had lightly adventured them- 
selves in Upper Silesia ; but all that is not decisive, it is the prelude 
to a tragedy where some unfortunate being aways perishes. My 
brother is now attacking the Circles; but I cannot say yet what 
success he will have. Should he succeed it will be decisive for the 
campaign. I have too many enemies ; nevertheless, with a little 
luck on my side, and a little foolishness on theirs, one may come 
out of it. But I have lost all my friends, my nearest relations, and 
my most intimate advisers. At fifty years of age one does not 
easily form new ties, and what is life without the pleasure of social 
intercourse ? 

" Your affairs, my dear mylord, are settled in England as you 
wished, and nothing that concerns your interests is being neglected ; 
I have had Kniphausen (Prussian minister) written to again in 
London. The King of Spain, whom otherwise I wish well, makes 
believe to die and does not die ; if he had died at once, four months 
ago, his death could have brought about a diversion ; now the 
results have been foreseen. I have no more happiness, many people 
jealous of me, and many enemies ; taken as a whole, it is an abomin- 
able position ; but I am in it and I shall extricate myself or perish. 
Good-bye, my dear my lord ; eat nice fruits, and, as long as you are 
in a terrestial paradise, do not forget your friends in purgatory." 

" REICH-HENNERSDORF, 4 June, 1759. 

" I much fear, my dear mylord, that you will not do much in the 
spot where you are. From news I receive the King of Spain, 
without hope of recovery, may yet hang on a long time. The 
journey to Lyons is entirely the fabrication of the court of Versailles, 
and has nothing true in it ; the King of Naples was very angry at 
the news which had been hinted about it. In short, I do not count 
at all on resources I might draw from Spain ; either I must main- 
tain myself alone or I shall die a fine death. I think our situation 
will be decided in a few days. This man with the papal cap [Mar- 
shal Daun] will be obliged to make a decision, and I do not sup- 


pose that will be carried out gently. This event will influence the 
campaign greatly, and give one or the other side the superiority. I 
hope to have it ; it is for events to decide. Adieu, my dear mylord ; 
I embrace you." 

Immediately on arrival the Earl Marischall was re- 
ceived by Elizabeth Farnese, the Queen-Dowager, 
with whom he had been well acquainted in former 
years. She was now somewhat in the ascendant again, 
as the moribund Ferdinand had, by his will, appointed 
her, on his death, Regent till her son, his half-brother, 
could arrive from Naples. But Milord wrote to 
Frederic on arrival, that 

" Though the Queen-Dowager received me with kindness, I know 
she is very prejudiced against Your Majesty." But he hoped to 
bring her round to favour Prussia. " What consoles me a little 
is that she does not like the French at all, that she has a complete 
contempt for His Most Christian Majesty, also a mortal hatred of 
the House of Austria. There is only the King of England for whom 
she seems to have some liking." 

Ferdinand lay long a-dying ; but Milord did not 
waste his time, and made friends with the rising sun, 
much to his master's satisfaction. 

" SCHMOTTSEIPEN, July 21st, 1759. 

" Your letter I have just received gives me most real satisfaction, 
and I recognize my faithful friend in all you have kindly informed 
me about. Try, I beg you, by every possible means to put me on 
good terms again with the Queen-Dowager, and to set me right with 
her. I cannot remember ever having done anything which could 
embitter this great princess against me, and her friendship is all 
the more necessary to me because the Queen of the Two Sicilies 
is a Saxon Princess, and by sure and certain sign my sworn enemy. 
The mediation of peace which the King of the Two Sicilies is aiming 
at after his succession to the throne of Spain seems to me still a 
little remote ; meanwhile, it is well to neglect nothing in order to 
make friends for oneself. The only obstacle I dread in the cementing 


of ties between Spain and myself is the great superstition with 
which these people are imbued, though the English are not better 
Catholics than we are." 

While Milord Marechal sat perforce inactive, his 
master was once more at grips with Russia, which, 
under superior generalship, had again invaded Prussia, 
and had beaten, early in August, first General Wedell, 
and then Frederic himself, in two of the bloodiest 
battles in history. 

Frederic, himself nearly shot and almost taken 
prisoner, was in despair, once again contemplating 
suicide. Yet, even in this moment of catastrophe, he 
did not forget his old friend ; writing from the castle of 
Reitwein on the Oder, August 16th. 

" REITWEIN, 16th August, 1759. 

" MYLOKD, I have safely received your two letters of June 26th 
and of the 7th of July, which reached me at the same time. As 
they are both in cypher, I am unable at present to send you any 
reply, not having your cypher by me ; I reserve myself, therefore, 
the time to do so. With which I beg God, etc., etc." 

In the King's handwriting : 

" My dear mylord, Fortune turns her back upon me and no longer 
backs me up ; it is all over." 


No wonder that Milord, idle at Madrid, was anxious 

about his master. 

" I am impatient for to-morrow's post," he writes to Mitchell on 
August 24th ; "we know that the French are beat by Prince 
Ferdinand of Brunswick, but we are entirely ignorant of the cir- 
cumstances. There is also a report from Vienna (and elsewhere) 
that the Russians have had some advantage over the Prussians ; 
the great superiority of numbers makes me fear it may be true." 

A week previously poor Ferdinand had died at last. 
The Earl Marischall has just reported on events in 


Spain, suggesting to Finkenstein that Frederic should 
send a better Ambassador to the new monarch than 
himself, a man of birth, and allow him to remain in 
Spain as a private individual. He thinks it would 
flatter the Court of Spain, and he could be more useful 
to His Majesty's interests, and could better maintain 
the ties he had already in that country if he were not 
there in an official character. Spain, he added, was 
ambitious of acting as a mediator, and was assembling 
50,000 men in Catalonia in order to contain and im- 
press the French. 

There was information to be picked up in Spain 
valuable to Frederic. Milord collected it and passed it 
on to his master in strictest private cypher. But of 
this Spanish mission hardly a word remains, only now 
and again mysterious allusions to melon-seeds and 
tobacco and knicknacks, which may or may not con- 
tain state secrets in disguise, or either cover important 
transactions, such as winning the favour of the Queen- 
Dowager, or be merely trivial and proofs of the intimate 
friendship between the two. Of this kind is a dateless 
unsigned note : 

" SIRE, I take the liberty of offering Your Majesty 2 Ibs of tobacco, 
because it seems to me very good ; and if you would like to go into 
commercial partnership with your very humble servant and if you 
have some bit of porcelain, some freak of china or lacquer, which 
you do not care about, I will give it you in tobacco. There is only 
such things that I can give my tobacco merchants, who are a lady- 
in-waiting to the Queen of Spain and her minister, M. Whal. The 
trade will be done in my name." 

Evidently Frederic's reply : 

" I am much obliged to you, my dear mylord, for the good melon 
seeds you have kindly sent me. I will not take your tobacco ; I 
have no mind to strip a poor traveller, nor to violate the rights of 
n 6 


hospitality. You are not in the least indebted to me, and I will 
have knicknacks of Berlin and China sent for your correspondent." 

The letters belonging to this period must have been 
among those purposely destroyed by the Earl Mari- 
schall a few years before his death. 

Dresden had been taken by the Austrians early in 
September. Thus ended the unlucky campaign of 
1759. By the middle of November Frederic was in 
winter quarters near Freiburg, and had recovered his 
spirits, for he wrote to Milord that 

" Though we have lost battle against Russia, we have managed 
to manoeuvre so as to hunt them out of the country, and we shall 
set things up again on the same footing that they were at the end 
of last year. 

" I think I am certain, moreover, in foreseeing that Spain will 
not play any part in the peace which will soon be concluded." 

A month previously Charles of the Two Sicilies had 
landed on Spanish soil, as Charles III of Spain. Any 
influence that the Earl Marischall might have acquired 
for Frederic over the Queen-Dowager was now wasted, 
for her son quietly but firmly observed that her power 
was over, and she retired once more to San Ildefonso. 

Milord soon discovered that Charles by no means 
entirely shared his brother Ferdinand's peace-at-any- 
price proclivities, and that, moreover, in the person of 
the new Queen Maria Amelia he had % to deal with a 
personal enemy, not only of Frederic, but also of him- 
self. A daughter of the King of Saxony, she held her 
father's conqueror in detestation, making a fourth bitter 
and vindictive woman in his little circle of female foes 
Maria Teresa, the Pompadour, and Elizabeth of 

In Frederic's Ambassador at Madrid she recognized 


the brother of his envoy, who, she averred, had per- 
sonally insulted and coerced her mother in her own 
palace at Dresden. 

Milord wrote a description of the influential people 
at the Spanish Court, but evidently soon felt that he 
was not the right man in the right place, for he wrote 
to Frederic towards the end of the year : 

" You will see, Sire, that you must send a minister here to culti- 
vate the good disposition of the King of Spain. His eagerness to 
write to Your Majesty, the desire he has to play the part of pacifi- 
cator, seems to me to demand a minister here." 

Frederic was anxious to know if there was any 
leaning of the new Court towards Vienna, any links 
of assistance or money with the Austrians. He 
thought the Spanish Court had changed since it had 
left Naples. He desired particularly to know, " accord- 
ing to the penetration which I know you to possess," 
if it would cast its lot entirely with the French and the 
Saxons, or if it would be circumspect in its dealings. 

Milord sent Frederic further presents of wine and 
tobacco. In March the King wrote to the Duchess of 
Saxe-Gotha that he had " had a letter from Milord 
yesterday, which shows that the King of Spain is badly 
affected towards Austria, and working for peace, and I 
shall get something out of it." 

Charles III was a strong, if not an able, ruler, of 
sound character, a sportsman, scientist, of business-like 
habits and simple life very much the son of his 
mother. He never forgot that he was a Bourbon, and 
was strongly in sympathy with France. All over the 
world England had been victorious over the French. 
Choiseul was seeking peace, and sought the mediation 
of Spain. But the latter country had grievances of 
her own with France, and so the war continued, dis- 


astrously for the French, while friendly communications 
were in progress between the two Bourbon Powers. 
Persuading Spain that the triumph of England would 
spell danger to the Spanish dominion in South America, 
Choiseul suggested that France and Spain should make 
common cause against a common foe. 

The refusal of Pitt to redress the Spanish grievances 
cemented the entente which, however, at the beginning 
of 1760, had not reached the stage of an actual con- 

The Earl MarischalFs old Irish friend, Wall, was still 
at his post of Foreign Minister, and the former found, 
even after an absence of twenty years, many old friends 
among the grandees of the country he loved so well 
and for which he had wielded his sword. Thus he was 
doubtless well able to gauge the trend of feeling, and to 
gain an insight into what was pending under the new 
regime. This is shown by his letter of February llth, 
to Frederic, which the latter notes as " received with 
every satisfaction," and from which he "is sure that 
France is trying to detach Spain from England " and 
to involve her in " the broils." 

This brings us to the question if the Earl Marischall 
communicated his suspicions of the underground machi- 
nations afoot between the two Bourbon Powers to 
any one besides his master the King of Prussia. By 
birth a British subject, he was in Prussian service. 
Quite recently he had been pardoned by his hereditary 
sovereign, and presented with a sum of money. Know- 
ing as we do the Earl MarischalFs honest and straight- 
forward disposition, it appears more than probable 
that he felt himself in duty bound to communicate to 
England, secretly, a state of affairs which affected that 
country far more than Prussia news, indeed, which it 
was of the utmost importance for England to receive. 


Both Pitt and Choiseul were working for peace; 
but, while the British Minister was endeavouring to 
secure his pound of flesh as a reward for all the British 
victories, Choiseul, secretly making common cause with 
Spain, was merely playing with his pen, till a Bourbon 
alliance should enable him to take up his sword. 

Pitt saw through France's little game how, we 
shall endeavour to show. He knew that France would 
conclude no peace without considering Spanish interests, 
and he knew that Spain would not go to war till her 
treasure galleons from the river Plate were safely 
anchored in the roads of Cadiz. From his secret know- 
ledge, he was determined to regard that fleet as a 
French fleet. " Spain is France, and France is Spain," 
he maintained at stormy cabinet meetings, to which 
he did not disclose his secret information, when arguing 
for the seizure of the galleons. Spain must be broken 
with at once ; he wished to forestall her attack. 

But Pitt could carry neither King nor Cabinet with 
him. They were not alive to the situation as he was. 
Pitt resigned in October 1761. 

Almon, in his " Anecdotes of Chatham," written 
some thirty years later, quotes : 

" The following anecdote was published in all the Public Prints, 
about a year after Mr. Pitt's resignation. 

" The K. of Prussia, by means of L d Chatham, obtained the 
pardon of Geo Keith, Lord Mareschal of Scotland, from the late 
K. George. L d Chatham improved upon this ; and, as Ld Mare- 
schal was well known to the grandees of Spain, and they believed 
him to be in their interest, as at that time he was Prussian minister 
at that Court, they communicated the Family compact to him, and 
he, as in duty bound to his new Sovereign, communicated the same 
to L d Chatham, then Mr. Sec 7 Pitt. This alludes to L d Chatham's 
being certainly apprized of the secret [the italics are Almon's]. When 
his Ldship proposed the seizing of the galleons he was opposed 
in council, and sneered at by L d Bute in particular; and, being 


questioned concerning his information, he, with reluctance, showed 
the letters from L d Mareschal. Upon which the late L d Hardwicke 
observed, that a halter was once round that nobleman's neck, but 
now more sure ; alluding to his returning to Spain, where they 
would put him to death. Lord Mareschal was then on shipboard 
at Portsmouth, on his way to Spain ; L d Egremont wrote to him, 
upon which he returned and went, by way of Holland, to his 
government at Neuf-Chattel, without going to Spain, where he 
has ever been since. The end proved the information true, and 
that L d Chatham's plan was what ought to have been adopted. 

" Whatever truth there may have been in the above anecdote 
[says Almon] it is certain that Mr. Stanley, while at Paris, in the 
year 1760, where the Family Compact was negotiated, transmitted 
to Mr. Pitt a tolerable good account of it, and a complete copy of 
that part which most materially affected Great Britain. He left 
Paris, as may be seen by the paper relative to the negotiation, on 
the 20th of September." 

Adolphus, in his " History of England/' writes that 

" . . . It is affirmed that the Lord Marischall Keith, who not long 
before had been in Spain, and who, at the intercession of the King 
of Prussia, was restored to his estates in Scotland, in gratitude 
communicated this remark about the treaty to Mr. Pitt ; but this 
fact was not disclosed to the Cabinet." 

Schafer in his " Preussich-Englische Biindniss/' re- 
peats the assertion. 

" The Family Compact followed. However secret it was kept, 
Pitt had enough news sent to him to be in no doubt as to its object. 
The most correct news came from the Earl Marischall, then Prussian 
Governor of Neuchatel. He, after escaping from Scotland, was 
recently pardoned by a word from Frederic the Great to his royal 
friend George II. 

" Now he visited England on his return from a mission to the 
Spanish Court, and was able to give the British Cabinet reliable 
news of the secret plans." 

In Thackeray's " Life of Pitt/' published in 1827, we 



" It has been affirmed, with a degree of possibility little short of 
certainty itself, that direct information relative to this compact 
was communicated to Mr. Pitt by Lord Marshal Keith. That 
individual, having been recently in Spain, had opportunity of ascer- 
taining the fact, and is said, in gratitude for the obligations he had 
received from Mr. Pitt, to have communicated that important 

De Rueville, in his recent " Life of Chatham," also 
makes the same statement, which he founds on Almon's 
anecdote. But, judging by the dates of Frederic's 
letters to the Earl, de Rueville is not quite accurate 
in his chronology of the Earl MarischalFs movements, 
nor, also, from the internal evidence of the above 
correspondence, is he right in his estimate of Milord's 
favour with Charles. 

As against the above theory, other historians have 
adduced that, as the Family Compact was not signed 
till August 1761, Marischall could not have disclosed it 
to Pitt in the spring of the previous year. But it was 
of the trend of affairs, of which, as his letters show, he 
was fully cognizant, that he informed the British 
minister, not of the actual treaty. 

For, in March 1761, he wrote to the Ministry at 
Berlin, asking " for six months' leave to put his affairs 
in England in order." Now, as he did not succeed to 
Lord Kintore's property till the following year, when 
the latter died, there cannot have been urgent business 
demanding his presence in England at this moment. 
The donation of King George was only some 3,000. 
May not this plea of affairs have been merely a pretext 
to cover a visit to England ? News such as the Earl 
Marischall had to give could hardly be entrusted to an 
unsafe and dilatory post, or to private hands in which 
it might miscarry. 

Frederic, who was not in the secret, was just entering 


upon a new and fifth campaign with a force only half 
as large as that of his enemies. That he valued Milord's 
services in Spain is evident by his reply to his request : 
" He must still stay there ; to go away just now would 
be quite hors de propos, as in these critical circum- 
stances I cannot have any one else at the Spanish 
Court, where he is most essential." 

Apparently, while consulting the interests of his 
native land, Marischall had not neglected those of his 
adopted country. 

He must have brought Sir Andrew's influence to bear 
upon the King, for he wrote gratefully to the latter 
on April 2nd. Sir Andrew was standing as Parlia- 
mentary candidate for the little borough of Kintore in 
his native country of Aberdeenshire, and Marischall 
was returning his friendly offices by beating up local 
interest in his favour. 

" MADRID, Aprile 2nd, 1760. 

" You have a just right to my service in what I can, from the 
obligations I have to your friendly offices, as I already wrote to my 
friends at home ; and by this post repeat the same to Lord Halker- 
toune, to Meldrum, to Pittulie, and to Mr. Smith : years and absence 
have diminished my friends to a very small number, which I repeat 
makes it less in my power to serve you ; what I can do, you may 
count on. 

" I wish you joy in your advancement in the diplomatick order ; 
by this time, I suppose (as I profesyed) you might make not a bad 
figure as Field Marshal ; I wish you had commanded the horse 
in place of a certain person, on a certain occasion. I daresay the 
victory would have been more compleat. 

" We have here numbers of lyes not to our advantage ; my letters 
are long on the road, which makes me often suffer untill the storys 
are either contradicted, or dye a natural death after living one 
week. Such was that of last week, that the King of Prussia had 
(going to reconoitre the enemy) fallen into an ambuscade, and 
every one of his escorte had been made prisoners except himself, his 
horse having made such a leap as never was. 


" The conquest of Ireland, by Mr. Thurot, has also miscarried. 
The French seem to have abated considerably of the number of the 
160,000 men in campaign in Germany, and do not talk now so high. 

" I saw a letter last courier from Berlin, which assures that the 
King's troops are compleated ; with his superiority of talents I hope 
all shall go well God grant it may, both by land and sea. When I 
say by sea I mean foreign expeditions, for at sea we have nothing 
more to fear but bad weather. 

" I return my thanks for your care of young Mr. Keith, and, by 
your friendly advice, am looking out for some military man to whom 
to recommend him." 

Owing probably to Mitchell's influence, and though 
he " was anxious for Spain to keep quiet and out of the 
hurly-burly/' Frederic granted Milord Marechal leave 
to journey to England, in order to lay his circumstances 
before Parliament, for which his presence was necessary. 
A few days later Frederic, in thanking him for the 
snuff, etc., adds : " The attention you show me on every 
occasion for everything that is pleasant to me, I feel 
much/' He is glad that Spain is keeping out of the 
war between England and France. 

Early in May Milord wrote to Frederic that, thanks 
to the King's kindness, his affairs are going on well in 
England. " I have heard of a new feature of Your 
Majesty, that you have ordered the payment of all my 
travelling expenses," and added a report of the situa- 
tion and another present of snufL 

'' What I do for you, dear Milord," replied Frederic, 
" are but trifles, but I wish none the less to convince 
you by acts of the gracious intentions I have towards 
you, and of the desire I have to give you pleasure." 

He found time to write thus at a very critical time ; 
he was facing Daun's huge army, and Laudohn, Austria's 
new and ablest general, was probably entering Silesia 
at that moment. 


On July 3rd the Earl Marischall had his farewell 
audience of Charles III. He took his departure im- 
mediately afterwards, and it was well that he did so, 
for, within thirty-six hours of his quitting Madrid, 
notice was received of the communication he had 
made to Lord Bristol, British Minister of the Court 
of Spain. 



THE Earl Marischall went to England via Lisbon. He 
doubtless felt that the quicker he quitted Spain the 
better ; Portugal was on very friendly terms with 
Great Britain, and her frontier lay the nearest to 
Madrid. From Lisbon he sailed direct for England. 
On arriving in London he was received very graciously 
by George II on August 16th. 

Sir Andrew Mitchell had already paved the way for 
him, by writing to the Duke of Newcastle from Saxony 
at the end of July : 

" I hear the King of Prussia has given leave to Earl Marischall 
to go to England. He will, no doubt, wait on your Grace the earliest. 
Pray receive him kindly ; he is an honest, worthy man, but a little 
punctilious and formal." 

After an absence of nearly half a century the Earl 
Marischall found a very different London from that he 
had quitted as a youth. Soon after his return George II 
died suddenly. He was succeeded by a moral young 
King of simple manners. In place of an oligarchy of 
noble families governing the country, with one eye on 
the favour of the sovereign's chief mistress, Marischall 
found the " Great Commoner " directing affairs from 
a position to which ability alone had raised him. 

At Court the Earl Marischall must have been sur- 
prised to find Jacobites. In name they hardly existed. 



" Scarcely a person of the rank of a gentleman south of the Tweed 
was found to dispute the right of the House of Brunswick. . . .Pitt 
and the grand fruition of his policy had even, to a great extent, 
merged Whigs and Tories into patriots." 

As his sedan chair bore the Earl Marischall about 
the court quarter, he found clubs were superseding 
coffee-houses Arthur's, White's, Brookes's more 
fashionable than the Smyrna and Cocoa Tree he had 
frequented as a gallant of the Horse Grenadier Guards. 
Loo was the prevailing craze ; but the Earl Marischall 
was never a gambler. Hours were later ; he found 
himself breakfasting after nine, dining after three, and 
only rising from table at eleven. 

Garrick was acting ; Dr. Johnson was talking ; 
Burke speechifying ; Keynolds, Hogarth, Gains- 
borough, painting ; Handel composing oratorio. Mari- 
schall made acquaintance with Swift, now in his prime, 
and with David Hume, whose History was now appear- 
ing in volumes. The book-loving old Scot must have 
puzzled over Macpherson's " Ossian ; Fragments of 
ancient poetry collected in the Highlands, translated 
from the Gaelic." 

Yet, after the sunny cities of the south, London 
seemed to him dark and dingy, despite the stately new 
Georgian mansions now arising. Nor was it altogether 
a pleasant place of residence. Highwaymen and foot- 
pads abounded ; criminals in chains swung from the 
gallows ; and, as the Earl Marischall passed under 
Temple Bar, the heads of the leaders of the Jacobite 
rising twenty years before grinned down upon the 
pardoned old rebel. 

Frederic wrote on September 1st : 

" Very glad to congratulate you on your, I hope, safe arrival in 


" It will depend on yourself if you return to Spain . . . moreover, 
there is no hurry, there will be little to negotiate at present with the 
Court, which seems at the moment only occupied with internal affairs, 
and to take little interest in those outside. I beg you, if you return 
to Madrid, to give my compliments to the King and Queen ... as for 
the Ministers, act towards them as you find best. . . ." 

During that harassing autumn campaign, when 
Frederic, by forced marches, had freed Berlin from the 
Russian menace, and was turning back to face Daun 
again, in the hills near Torgau, he found a moment to 
think of his friend in England. When Milord returned 
to Neuchatel, where only a deputy-governor was acting 
for him, Frederic, with the wonderful grasp of detail 
which is one of the attributes of great minds, wrote 
suggesting that the Governor should not pass through 

" KAENBERG, October 28th, 1760. 

" I have now received the letter you wrote me on August 29th. 
I shall have no trouble in convincing myself of the sincerity of the 
feelings which you profess, just as you will be convinced of the entire 
reciprocity of mine. 

" I beg you earnestly not to pass through France on your return : 
besides the refusal of a passport and the prohibition of going through 
Paris to which you may lay yourself open you will do no good with 
those people, and moreover, the position in which I find myself at 
this moment does not permit of my negotiating with them. There are 
plenty of clever and sensible people in France, who clearly perceive 
how the Court of France, by her present improper conduct, is herself 
working for her own degradation, and against her fame and most 
vital interests ; in short, she is digging herself her own ruin by the 
fanaticism of her present system ; but, as long as those people are 
not aware of it themselves, and that the scales do not fall from 
their eyes, all efforts made to set them right will be in vain. FEDEEIC." 

After his great victory over Daun at Torgau Frederic 
wrote again, in his own hand : " You are a spectator of 
all our varied fortunes ; when shall we see the end of 
this terrible war ? " 


At the same time a trivial matter which was annoy- 
ing State Secretary Eichel evidently no Spanish 
scholar who was with the King, and Count Finken- 
stein, the State Minister, who was with the rest of the 
Government at Magdeburg, whither it had removed 
when the Russians threatened Berlin, shows the terms 
on which Frederic and Milord were : 

" Among the letters of Mylord Marechal of Scotland, which I have 
taken the liberty of sending on to Your Excellency," writes Eichel 
to Finkenstein, one must be included, written in the month of May 
or June, in which he informs the King that he is sending to the 
latter an installment of Spanish tobacco, which he, if I am not 
mistaken, describes by the name of * far el naso del Re.' As up to 
this date none of this tobacco has arrived, nor any news of it been 
received, either from England, nor from Hamburg, or Geneva, the 
places where the above-mentioned Earl is accustomed to address, 
the King's Majesty thinks that perhaps earlier in one of the letters 
an address was given where he is sending the tobacco and to whom, 
so I must on His Majesty's wishes through Your Excellency at once 
to charge Herr Privy Councillor von Herzberg to seek out among 
the above mentioned letters I have sent on, and to send me the 
originals by first courier or orderly, starting from thence, as soon 
as possible, that one or other of these places may be communicated 

Evidently, even in the most strenuous circumstances, 
Frederic had no mind to deprive his royal nose of 
Milord's good Spanish snuff, and set officials, from 
Privy Councillors downwards, a-hunting for it ! 

Meanwhile, disturbing reports from the principality 
came to its absent Governor, for some time past im- 
mersed in the wider sphere of European politics. A 
storm was raging in a tea-cup. 

We have seen how, some six years before, Pastor 
Petitpierre became conscientiously convinced on the 
subject of non-eternity of punishment and preached 
the same in his parish, causing violent disputes between 


that and the next one, where Pastor Prince opposed 
his tenet. 

In 1758 the Venerable Classe cautioned Petitpierre 
against preaching and causing trouble. Prince was 
likewise soothed, and the next year Petitpierre was 
removed to the cure of Chaux de Fonds, in hopes of 
allaying the dispute. 

But the following May, 1760, twelve parishioners of 
Chaux de Fonds complained to the Classe of the dissen- 
sions his preaching caused. This was followed by a 
report from the mayor, the justice, and the parish 
consistory, declaring, in opposition to the twelve plain- 
tif 5, that they were satisfied with Petitpierre. 

'ihe latter told the Classe that it was Prince who 
was making trouble, and that he himself adhered to his 
declaration of 1758. The Classe ordered each to keep 
the peace. Prince submitted, but Petitpierre avowed 
that his conscience would not allow him to be silent. 

He was again cited before the whole Compagnie des 
Pasteurs, and on August 6th, 1760, was dismissed from 
his cure. 

Up till now the affair had been only a question be- 
tween the Venerable Classe and the parishioners of 
Chaux de Fonds. Now the scene widens, and to the 
question of eternal punishment is added those of public 
rights and of the constitution, which will disturb both 
the governing bodies and private people. Most of the 
parishioners, most of the enlightened inhabitants of 
the country and many members of the Council of 
State, the Governor, and Frederic II himself, strongly 
defended the cause of religious liberty. 

But the ecclesiastical body, the Compagnie des 
Pasteurs, supported by the councils of the four town- 
ships, adhered to the tenets of their faith, and pro- 
ceeded to elect a new pastor in place of Petitpierre. 


When the parishioners of Chaux de Fonds heard of 
the resolution of August 6th, they informed the Govern- 
ment that they were having recourse to the royal 
supremacy against the despotic and unconstitutional 
proceedings of the Classe. The Council of State there- 
upon forbade the Classe to proceed with the election of 
the new pastor till the royal wishes had been made 
known, or the parish might refuse to accept him. 

The Council of State decided to meet to discuss the 
remonstrances of the parish, and meantime ordered the 
Classe to delay the election. The Classe thought a blow 
was being struck at its rights by the civil powers. In 
a body it waited on the President of the Council, 
Ostervald, son of the " great Ostervald," the Reformer, 
and informed him that they were immediately about 
to appoint a new pastor. 

One Breguet was chosen ; the President neither 
refused nor received him. The Classe and the Town 
Council of Neuchatel foregathered. A deputation went 
to the Castle to demand the acceptance of Breguet. 
Ostervald persisted, but on August 26th called an 
assembly of the whole Council of State. A royal 
rescript was read ; it had been obtained through Colonel 
Chaillet, a stout defender of Petitpierre, who had sent 
in to the Court his private opinions, drawn up by 
the Advocate-General Gaudot. It was the first step 
of this lawyer, in associating himself with Berlin as 
against Neuchatel, which eventually led to proceedings 
which cost him his life. 

The rescript ordered a minute and impartial report 
on the complaints from Chaux de Fonds, and com- 
manded that Petitpierre was to retain his salary, and 
Breguet not to be confirmed in the cure till further 
orders were issued. 

The Council was not unanimous in its reception of 


this Report when it was sent in. The majority were 
in favour of Breguet ; the minority maintained that to 
yield to the Classe was to diminish the supremacy of 
the King and his Council. 

Upon hearing of the royal decree, the Classe de- 
manded a conference with the Quatre Ministraux, the 
magistrates of the four townships. On the same day 
the Town Council of Neuchatel decided to convoke all 
the bodies of the State. On September 2nd this 
assembly presented a remonstrance to the Government 
against the royal decree, as infringing the liberties 
of the principality under Clause II of the Articles 
Generaux, and demanded that Breguet be forthwith 

The Classe then set to work to report on Petitpierre. 
He protested against these ulterior proceedings and 
declined to appear. The Classe then sent a deputation 
to the Government announcing that they were about 
to " unfrock " him. 

The Council of State had made no reply to the re- 
monstrance presented by the assembly of the bodies 
of the State. A second was sent in, and passed on by 
them to Berlin in silence. 

The General Assembly made a third and fourth at- 
tempt, which being likewise ignored, they appealed to 
the Federal authorities at Bern. 

Meanwhile the appearance of Petitpierre's "Apo- 
logie et Histoire Abrege de ses demeles avec la 
Compagnie," complicated matters, as did the anony- 
mous publication of State Councillor Ferdinand Oster- 
vald's pamphlet, " Considerations aux peuples de 
TEtat," zealously defending Petitpierre's side from a 
political point of view. The circulation of this pamph- 
let was forbidden by the Town Council, siding with the 
Classe, and all copies which could be found were seized, 
ii 7 


Whereupon State Councillor Chaillet boldly walked up 
the street with his pockets full of copies, and distributed 

Both he and Ferdinand Ostervald were forthwith 
deprived of their citizenship. 

Meantime reports came in of violent disturbances at 
Chaux de Fonds. 

The State Council continued to do nothing. The 
minority had the ear of the Court at Berlin, it passed 
on everything, and only preached peace. 

The Governor, in London, was informed officially of 
all these commotions, and also had letters from his 
private friends. His reply to one from Colonel Chaillet 
in September, and dated November 15th, shows that 
he still looked upon the affair as but a controversial 

" I am very sorry to see that the quarrels have not come to an end. 
The letter of the Council has not reached me. It is annoying that 
a theological dispute that few people are capable of understanding, 
and which, it seems to me, is of not much consequence in relation 
to morals, should be able to set all the country aflame, men, women, 
and children. You know how a spark ignites your heads, which are 
hotter than those of the Gascons ; the frankness of disposition and 
the great liberty of the country are also the cause of the lack of re- 
straint in your disputes ; I am convinced that ill-disposed persons 
are fanning the flame from underneath. Try if possible to come to a 
reasonable understanding ; to that end each side must yield some- 
thing. The Petitpierres, whom I know, are gentle and sensible, 
and I am sure that M. Petitpierre, for the love of peace, will refrain 
from his opinions. The Classe appeared, for the dispute began 
before I left, to be satisfied with M. Petitpierre' s offers ; I thought 
the affair had calmed down . I repeat again (and with good reason) 
that I am convinced that some firebrands, who know how easy it 
is to raise a disturbance, especially if an outcry over privilege is 
raised, have found a way of beginning the quarrel again, in order 
to sow discontent favourable to their designs, of which very few 
consider the consequences. If I had told you that an abstract 


point of Theology (for I imagine that in Holy Writ one can find 
arguments in favour of either feeling) could have excited a ferment 
all over a country, you would have laughed at it, you would have 
supposed that no one except ministers would have paid any atten- 
tion to it, and that no one else would have taken any part in it, 
every one being satisfied with believing in his own way ; but I see 
you are all in such a state of combustion that you tell me that you 
do not wish I were among you. Consult the mayor, consult M. 
Meuron (the Attorney-General) ; I have a good opinion of both, 
and try to make a plan for agreement, that I may hope to end my 
days in Switzerland in peace, and make haste, for I am getting old. 
You have a fine country, you have kind hearts ; frank, too, and great 
and good privileges ; a little bit of phlegm is all that the Neuchatel 
folk lack to be happy. Good-bye ; I embrace you heartily." 

He adds some English news which shows how popular 
was Frederic and the Prussian entente at that moment : 

" Yesterday guns were fired for the King's victory [Torgau, 
November 3rd, 1760], which has never been done till now, not even 
for the defeat of the French at Rosbach ; they are only fired for 
English victories. I was at Court ; the King was kind enough to 
congratulate me on the victory ; the Princess, his mother, and the 
Princess, his sister, did the same ; one saw the joy shining in their 
eyes. The order has gone out for the troops of the expedition to 

" A loan of twelve millions has been started ; one of my friends, a 
merchant, asked for shares of ten thousand livres (francs), and was 
told that so many people asked for shares, that they could hardly 
give any one more than half their demands, such was the eagerness 
to offer money." 



ON January 26th, 1761, the Earl Marischall took the 
Oath of Allegiance at the Court of King's Bench. He 
wrote joyfully to Frederic that " the King of England 
has made me a present of money, and I have no doubt 
but the Parliament will be agreeable to this handsome 

What it was appears from the following Memor- 
andum sent to George (late) Earl Marischall : 

" The Forfeited Estate of the Earl Marischall was purchased in 
1720 by the York Building Company for 41,172 ; and it appears, 
from the accounts in Exchequer, that, after deducting all payments, 
there still remains 3,600 of Ballance of the price due by the Com- 
pany, with the Interest of this from 1725. 

" The remaining price of the Estates forfeited in 1715 having 
been vested in the Crown, His Majesty King George I and his late 
Majesty were Impowered by several Acts of Parliament and did of 
their Royal Bounty grant large provisions to many Families of 
forfeiting persons, and particularly in the XIII of His Majesty 
King George I a grant of 10,000 L sterling was made to Sir Alexander 
Macdonald out of the forfeited estates of that Family, which was 
inconsiderable in Respect of the Marischall estate. 

" His late Most Excellent Majesty having been graciously pleased, 
through the Intercession of His Majesty, the King of Prussia, to 
grant the most ample permission to the (late) Earl Marischall, and 
to receive him into his Royal Favour, it is most humbly hoped, 
under favour of the same Royal Intercession, that His present 
Majesty, from his great Beneficence and in consideration of the 



heavy and long distresses of this Family, will be graciously pleased 
to grant to the Earl Marischall the small residue of the price of 
his forfeited estate, that he may be enabled by his Royal Bounty 
to pass the remaining part of his Life in the enjoyment of the 
Blessing of His Majesty's most happy reign." 

The Act of Parliament confirming this was passed 
early in 1761, but the settling of the business involved 
much worry to the old Earl. " It was put off," he 
wrote to Chaillet, in the middle of January, " from one 
day to the next, and he was obliged to run about 
petitioning, consulting, etc/' 

When the bill passed he wrote in great glee to Sir 
Andrew Mitchell at Berlin: 

" LONDON, February 22nd, 1762. 

" I have the honour of yours of Jan. 31, only last night. I thank 
you for your favour in letting the ministers know the expressions 
with which the King of Prussia honours me. 

" You will see perhaps by the publick papers that my bill has 
passed both houses. The King made notify by his ministers his 
consent. It would have passed in a way much more advantageous 
to me, had it not been for one Wat, a member of Parliament, an 

attorney, and esteemed by all a K . I do not mean a King. 

Had it not been for Mr. Nugent, of the Treasury, he had furtivement 
thrust into my bill unperceived a clause which would have given 
to me and my heirs by Act of Parliament a law-suit for 50 years. 
I am told, by the Edinburgh papers only, that I am Provost of 
Kintore. I already told you that I hoped you would do our toune 
the honor to represent us in Parliament. Bayly Bruce will supply 
my absence. I shall allways be glad to have occasion to shew the 
particular regard with which I have the honour to be, etc. 

" I had for me all the blewe bonnetes [Tories] to a man ; and a 
lady [Lady Primrose ?] whose good heart I respect still more than 
her birth, tho' it be of the very highest, she made press me to ask a 
pension, assuring me it would cost but one word. I excused 
myself as having no pretension to merit it. She bid me not name 
her ; in leaving you to guess, I do not injure her ; she said the same 
also to Baron de Kniphausen." 


But if Marischall found King and Parliament so 
graciously disposed towards him, such was not the 
attitude of the Jacobites in Scotland, to whom his 
reconciliation with the House of Hanover gave great 

Bishop Forbes of Leith, in his Memoirs, " Lyon in 
Mourning/' tells the following story of what occurred 
on the Earl MarischalFs birthday in the April after his 
taking the Oath of Allegiance. The village of Lang- 
side, be it noted, was on the Keith estates in Aberdeen- 

" At Leith, Monday, June 22nd, 'twixt one or two o'clock, 1761, 
when Sir William Dunbar of Dunn, the Revd. Mr. Alexander Mitchell 
of Edinburgh, the Revd. Mr. John Skinner of Langside, and his 
son Mr. John Skinner were dining with me and Mr. Forbes, the said 
Reverend John Skinner gave the following narration, to which he 
said, five hundred and more could give their attestation, and upon 
which he would make no observation. That it had been a common, 
constant practice at the said parish of Langside in Aberdeenshire to 
have bonfires, and even to ring the parish bell, on April 2nd (old 
style), the birthday of the Earl Marischall, and that on Thursday 
the 12th of February, 1761, being a general fast through Scotland, 
when the bellman was ringing the first bell, the news came to Lang- 
side containing the accounts of the Earl Marischall's having taken 
the oath at London, and at that very instant the said bell rent 
from top downwards, and then across near the mouth, and that 
likewise soon after the bell had begun to ring. 

" A gentleman walking in his own garden, about a quarter of a 
mile from the Church at Langside, asked a man passing what the 
matter was with the bell in stopping so suddenly ; the answer being 
that she was rent. ' Well,' said the gentleman, ' do you know what 
the bell says by that ? Even, " The Deil a cheep mair sail I 
speak for you, Earl Marischall." ' 

" N.B. I sent a copy of the above to Thomas Bowden, Esq., 
under cover to the Revd. Mr. Robert Lyon, who, being dead before 
receipt, it came into the hands of the Right Reverend Bishop Robert 
Gordon, in London, who transmitted it to Mr. Bowdler, and wrote 
me the following paragraph in way of N.B." 


"LONDON, August 1, 1761. 

" N.B. It has been sounded to me that the rent bell utter'd a 
dying groan in that peer's ear in London, no doubt to his no small 

" Paragraph from Mr. B. Bowdler to me, Robert Forbes. 

" ASHLEY, August 8th, 1761. 

" That story of the parish bell is too good to be lost. I can 
assure you it has been sent to the E[arl] M[arischall], and I hope 
it has, cracked as it is, made his ears to tingle. Am told said E[arl] 
M[arischall] is much despised and neglected." 

While its Governor was away, occupied with his own 
affairs, the state of things in Neuchatel had been going 
from bad to worse. In the middle of December a 
deputation of all the bodies of the State was sent to 
appeal to Bern. But Switzerland was " hedging," as 
it were, not desirous of offending Frederic till it was 
seen how the latter would extricate himself from the 
war, which at present seemed as if it would throttle 
him. Bern decided only to arbitrate at the last pos- 
sible moment, when by the league of co-citizenship they 
could not refuse to do so. 

Milord had awoke to the gravity of the situation. 
In the middle of January he wrote to Colonel Chaillet 
that his reason for not writing recently had not only 
been his own pressure of business, but 

" Another very good reason being the difficulty of knowing the 
true state of affairs, and how far the ferment has spread, and what 
the claims are ; for, being aware for sure and certain that there is 
a plan afoot to separate the country from the King's rule, I cannot 
doubt but that the dispute is encouraged by the authors of this 
project, though the populace as a whole does not perceive it. Another 
thing which troubles me over this is my friendship for you and the 
difficulties in which I see you are. 

" I confess that I am not quite of your opinion as regards M. 
Petitpierre's quarrel, as, if I mistake not, he had pledged himself 


not to preach his dogma if it was likely to bring about disturbances. 
As he saw that this was the case, he would have done well to desist. 
The Communities claim (if I am not wrong, for I write from memory) 
the power of each deciding their tenets, as they did at the Reforma- 
tion. If that is granted, one Community could return to the Church 
of Rome, another could become lutheran, anglican, etc. Only 
Mahomet's religion would not have fair play, because it forbids 
wine ; otherwise Ilbraham and Emete might hope to be at the 
head of a Community. At this moment, however, the proceedings of 
the deputation to Berne seem to me to have given a new complec- 
tion to affairs, and that is no longer if the Classe or Mr. Petitpierre 
and his party at la Chaux-de-Fonds are right ; the question is, 
though not formally suggested, if the sovereignty resides at Neuchatel 
or not. I do not understand that very well either ; I should wish to 
be informed where this sovereignty does reside; if it resides at 
Neuchatel I should find myself in too great a difficulty. If I, as 
governor, am to have any part in it (unless the King were to make 
over his sovereignty to me, which it is claimed that he cannot do), 
for many cases might arise, as have happened in all the countries 
of the world, cases where there is a conflict of Jurisdiction between 
the People and the Prince, in the which I as governor with my 
share of sovereignty, I should be obliged to decide exactly against 
the feelings of the King whose lieutenant I am, whom I recognize 
as my rightful master, and whom I am desirous of serving, by 
inclination, duty, and gratitude. Therefore, if this system is set 
up, what am I to do ? I have only one decision to make, which is 
quickly taken. 

" What is much worse is that you have so few people on your 
side, and that all the Bodies of the State are united, though I am far 
from thinking that they all have the same objective. As regards 
Doctrine I am rather indifferent as to what is preached, because 
God will decide according to his will and not according to men's 
opinion ; but I consider that, when there is nothing against morals 
or against the well-being of society, it is best not to interfere with 
the established religion. I should not agree with protecting a 
religion like that of the Carthaginians, who burnt their children in 
order to appease God, nor of auricular confession, because that 
gives too much power to the Priests. . . . 

" Once my business, which is of importance to me, is finished, I 
shall go to your country as soon as I can. There are people who 
fancy I could be of some use in quieting disputes, but I doubt it ; 


but at least I shall show my good intentions towards a people who 
had done me the honour to show much towards me. If I can do 
nothing, it is not far from Neuchatel to Yverdon. [Allusion to his 
friend Baron de Brackel, who lived there.] Adieu, I embrace you 
heartily, and am always your faithful friend." 

Early in the year 1761 the Quatre Ministraux, after a 
pen- war of refutations and counter refutations, solemnly 
burnt the " Considerations " and the other pamphlets 
at the Hotel de Ville. On which the two suspended 
citizens, Ferdinand Ostervald and Chaillet, retired for 
safety to Morat, on the lake of that name, in Bernese 
territory, stating that they could not endure to see the 
Council of State thus giving free rein to those who were 
attacking the royal authority, and trying to bring 
about a revolution. 

On January 28th the most violent of all the decrees 
was launched, from Berlin, at the recalcitrant princi- 
pality. The Government was accused of timidity, the 
Town Council was rebuked for burning the books, and 
the re-establishment of Chaillet and Ostervald was 
commanded. The Classe was to be informed that the 
King was indignant with their treatment of Petitpierre ; 
the four townships were to be told that they had no 
right to appeal to Bern. 

The reply was a direct appeal to Bern. It was 
the crisis. From Milord's letter we see that some 
individuals did aim at overthrowing Frederic's autho- 
rity, as they had no hope of any justice from Bern. 
The first steps had been taken by the Classe and the 
Town Council in disobeying the King's positive orders. 
The populace, and especially the young men of Neu- 
chatel, had such extreme ideas on the subject of 
supremacy that it is to be feared that they were led 
away further than they intended. Thus stated Ferdi- 
nand Ostervald to the Council of State in the middle of 


February. But he had found a mare's-nest ; there was 
no party for France in Neuchatel. 

Memorandums and conferences multiplied. Berlin 
only responded by commanding peace, and meanwhile 
the origin of all this turmoil went on living quietly in 
his cure, holding many meetings. 

The Governor's presence was evidently urgently re- 
quired. So, indeed, the King's ministers considered it. 
They had plenty of work on their hands without this 
imbroglio in a small and remote dependency. Frederic 
was about to embark in yet a sixth campaign, but was 
now, for the first time, taking the field in the defensive 
only. For his war chest was almost empty, and he was 
reduced to debasing the coinage, and to selling the royal 
plate in order to replenish it. 

In the middle of February Eichel informed Finken- 

" That mylord has resolved to return to Neuchatel to take up 
his post as governor. . . . The King's Majesty seems to be quite 
satisfied about it, as he has had a reply sent to him that he could 
go through France if he first obtained good passports and did not 
stay anywhere in France, and especially avoided passing through 
the French armies, in order not to be exposed to any difficulties." 

Frederic wrote to Milord from Leipzig the following 
month : 

" I have received, my dear mylord, your letter with much 
pleasure. I see you are leaving England and about to return to 
Colombier [Neufchatel], where civil dissensions and so-called schisms 
await you. Believe me, you will reduce to silence your doctor 
sooner than we do the political heads of Europe, although, to tell you 
the truth, the eternity of punishment troubles me less than the chaos 
of claims occasioned by the cupidity of so many rulers. 

" You know how we have succeeded in turning the French out 
of Hesse. Prince Ferdinand is at this moment besieging Cassel. 


Heaven grant that these successes may hasten the peace, which 
Europe and ourselves especially so much need. Do not worry 
yourself about my tobacco, my dear mylord ; it is not worth the 
trouble. That from Amsterdam is not yet delivered ; I believe, in 
order to get it, I must go to law with the merchant who is detaining 
it ; but that need not worry you. 

" I was delighted with the King of England's proceedings on 
your behalf ; I consider any good that happens to you as if it 
happened to myself, and only a very real virtue can attract such 
friendship. Enjoy it for a long time, good mylord, and number 
me among your true and sincere friends." 

The Earl Marischall was happy in England pace the 
Scotch Jacobites meeting old friends and making new 
ones. At Mitcham he met David Hume, with whom 
he formed a great friendship. They had many similar 
points of view, and the same trend of caustic wit. " De- 
fensor Fidei " was one of MarischalFs nicknames for the 
fat philosopher under whose portrait he wrote : Verbum 
caro factum. 

Hume, busy writing his history, sometimes tried to 
glean from the Earl MarischalFs memory stories of the 
past. Hume repeats one that he says Helvetius the 
French savant heard from Milord as to the cowardice 
of Charles Edward when starting for Scotland in 1745 ; 
how that he had to be carried on board La Doutelle by 
force, les mains liees. This assertion seems unworthy 
of Marischall, who, moreover, was much more likely to 
have known the truth than Helvetius. Marischall was 
never wantonly malicious ; Charles and his father had 
never ceased to bear him favour, and it is hard to 
imagine Marischall bruiting about a story so much to 
Charles's discredit, when the latter was at his best, and 
playing a hero's part. Yet the story crept into the 
Gentleman's Magazine for 1788. 

But to return to the commotions at Neuchatel. 


On April 5th Milord Marischall wrote to the exiled 
Chaillet at Morat : 

"... You had no other course, it seems to me, than to retire with 
your nephew, like wise men, to Neuchatel, for if you had remained 
at Neuchatel there seems a likelihood that you would have been 
sent away, and if you had retired to the mountains you would 
have been blamed as incendiaries. I am very sorry for you and 
for the country in general, for I am sure that it will suffer from the 
folly of one party, and from the bad intentions of another : these 
latter have won (according to their own account) in that they 
have spread discontent against the King's rule, and at the same 
time have given the King an unfavourable notion of the nation, for 
it is all very well to say that the nation in general is well disposed 
towards his government ; one is obliged to doubt it after the pro- 
ceedings of all the Bodies of the State. I hope I shall soon see 
nearer at hand what is going on ; I shall at least shew my devotion 
to the King and my good-will to the country ; if my efforts prove 
useless in quieting down feelings (as I fear), I shall retire, if I am 
permitted, and it is not thought best to dismiss me, as it is doubtless 
as permissible to dismiss a governor as it is a couple of Councillors. . . ." 

To Finkenstein he wrote, April 14th : 

" Bern is exhorting Neuchatel to moderation. A commission 
is necessary, in the name of the King, to regulate the affairs of the 
principality, in concert with Bern. The populace, chiefly in the 
mountains, is good ; but it is always being stirred up, and is being 
misled under the pretence of principles." 

A few weeks later he added that 

" The mass of the people were loyal to the King, but that the 
Classe is considering a defection from Prussia ; the arrogance of 
the clergy must be broken. The Council of State has been too 
indulgent since the beginning of the troubles and has not shewn 
enough energy against the pastors." 

However, though Eichel received an original report 
from Corcelles in Neuchatel, in which he noted that 


the clergy of the province were attempting " to seize 
the spiritual authority which by right only belongs to 
the King," he wrote to Finkenstein that the latter 
ordered that during the present war these matters 
should be treated gently and the people soothed. " I 
much wish," he added, " that my lord was already 
there, and up till now I cannot understand how he 
could decide when once he had made up his mind to 
go back to Neuchatel without having himself dismissed 
from Spain." 

In truth, the Earl Marischall was still de facto Prus- 
sian Minister at Madrid. That he had every intention, 
at first, of returning there Frederic's letter to him of 
April llth shows. 

" MEISSEN, April llth, 1761. 

" I learn, my dear mylord, that you are on the eve of leaving 
London. I hope the winds will bring you safely to Spain and 
thence to Colombier. A congress is proposed ; and for ourselves 
we have accepted it. It is to be seen what will come of it. I 
believe it will be a separate peace between France and England, 
and that the rest of us will fight on till the end of the year. If you 
see M. Whal, please give him my complements. I do not know if it 
will not suit Spain to send some one to the congress, as the other 
powers do ; they have many important subjects to discuss with 
the house of Austria, and I think they could find a corner. I will 
not wish you well, my dear mylord, till you have arrived at Colombier, 
while assuring you that, on every occasion, you will find me disposed 
to serve you and to prove to you the real esteem in which I hold you. 

From this letter, it will be seen that Frederic, a 
peace conference being now in the wind, wished Milord 
to return to Spain as his emissary to continue to try to 
influence that country in his favour. Milord intended 
to do so, and, in consequence of Frederic's wishes, to 
postpone his return to Neuchatel, Spanish affairs being 
of the greater consequence. 


But Pitt's position was becoming very difficult. In 
March, Bute, whose favour with the young King was 
more and more on the increase, had replaced Holdernesse 
as Secretary of State. Pitt was estranged and dis- 
satisfied. The tentatives with Choiseul were cooling 
down. Then Spain presented claims to England, and 
these were incorporated in fche negotiations with 
France. But Spain was only dallying till her galleons 
were safe in port. 

Of her real designs Pitt, as we know, had had " early 
and exact information " through the Earl Marischall ; 
but when he wished to act upon it, he found himself 
opposed by his Cabinet, veering towards Bute, whose 
secret policy was to disentangle England from con- 
tinental connections. He was now blindly disregarding 
the danger against which Marlborough had fought in 
Flanders, and Stanhope in Spain. 

Pitt was for prompt measures the seizing of the 
galleons while at sea. His Cabinet opposed him. We 
have seen how he was pressed first to give his secret 
information of the Franco-Spanish alliance, and then 
driven to divulge from whom he got it. 

Lord Hardwicke immediately perceived how dan- 
gerous for the Earl Marischall would be a return to 

But Marischall had by now started, had reached 
Portsmouth, and had actually embarked on a man-of- 
war, when a message reached him from Lord Egremont 
warning him of the risk he ran. There was nothing for 
it but to return to Neuehatel. 

He went back to London, and then Lord Kintore 
died. This created a further delay ; but, as regarded 
the principality, there was no immediate hurry, as 
Frederic's mot d'ordre was that nothing drastic should 
be done there till peace was within sight. Moreover, 


private business connected with his succession to his 
cousin, 1,500 a year, and the Aberdeenshire property 
of Keith Hall, necessitated his remaining in England 
a while. 

The Earl Marischall was thus present at the corona- 
tion of George III, in September 1761. He told Hume 
a curious story in connection with this ceremony, for 
the truth of which, however, MarischalFs is the only 
evidence. Some twelve years later Hume repeated it 
in a letter to Sir James Pringle, an Edinburgh physician. 

"Feb. 10, 1773. 


" That the present Pretender was in London in the year 
1753 I know with the greatest certainty, because I had it from 
Lord Marischall, who said it consisted with his certain knowledge. 
Two or three days after his lordship gave me this information, he 
told me that, the evening before, he had learnt several curious par- 
ticulars from a lady (whom I imagined to be Lady Primrose) though 
my lord refused to name her. The Pretender came to her house 
in the evening, without giving her any preparatory information, and 
entered the room where she had a pretty large company with her, 
and was herself playing at cards. He was announced by the servant 
under another name, and she thought the cards would have 
dropped from her hands on seeing him ; but she had presence 
enough of mind to call him by the name assumed, to ask him when 
he came to England, and how long he intended to stay there. After 
he and all the company were gone away the servants remarked 
how wonderfully like the strange gentleman was to the Prince's 
picture which hung on the chimney-piece in the very room in which 
he entered. My lord added (I think from the authority of the same 
lady), that he used so little precaution that he went abroad openly 
in daylight in his own dress, only laying aside his blue ribband 
and star ; walked once through St. James's, and took a turn in the 

"... But what will surprise you more, Lord Marischall, a few 
days after the coronation of the present King, told me that he 
believed the young Pretender was at that time in London ; or at 


least had been so very lately, and had come over to see the show of 
the coronation, and had actually seen it. I asked my lord the reason 
for this strange fact. ' Why,' says he, ' a gentleman told me so 
who saw him there ; and that he even spoke to him, and whispered 
in his ears these words : " Your Royal Highness is the last of all 
mortals whom I should expect to see here." " It was curiosity that 
led me," said the other ; " but I assure you," added he, " that the 
person who is the object of all this pomp and magnificence is the 
man I envy the least." You see the story is so near traced from the 
fountain-head as to wear a great face of probability. Query : what 
if the Pretender had taken up Dymock's gauntlet ? " 

In August the Family Compact was signed ; in 
October Pitt fell. In December Bristol was recalled 
from Madrid and war was declared by England against 



IN February, 1762, Neuchatel received its venerable 
Governor back again. 

A New Year's letter from Frederic shows that it was 
by no means easy for him to return to the principality. 

" BRESLATT, January 12th, 1762. 

" MYLORD, The contents of your letter of the 28th December 
and what you tell me about the conversation you have had with 
M. de Rossieres, is a further proof of your way of thinking with 
reference to my service and the care you take of my interests do 
not deserve less than a sincere gratitude on my part. I rather 
doubt from what you say if you return soon to Neuchatel. The 
Spanish tobacco which you sent me has at last arrived. I find it 
exceedingly good, and I thank you very much for the trouble you 
have taken to give me pleasure." 

In the King's handwriting : 

" I am much indebted to you, my dear mylord, for this affection 
which makes you think continually about everything that concerns 
me. I assure you that no one can feel it more. I do not know 
how you will get back to your government ; I have no faith in these 
Versailles passports. At this moment it is not the fashion in 
that country to oblige me ; you know everything goes by fashion 
in France, and we are behind the times and old-fashioned. We 
have become strait-laced ; just now one must be Austrian, or, what 
is worse, Russian, to take in that country, and I have no wish to 
become one or the other to please those people. I thank you for 
the splendid tobacco, which I have at last received. If Providence 
II 8 "8 


took as much care of my affairs as you do of my nose, all would 
go well. I wish you a pleasant journey, and I assure you that my 
esteem and affection go with you everywhere." 

The Earl Marischall returned via Holland, and wrote 
from Breda on New Year's Day, 1762, to his friend, 
Chaillet, still in exile : 

" Bon jour, bon an, I wish you many of them; sun also, and as 
Guy Pattin says, bread and peace. This latter, it seems to me, is 
vanishing everywhere. I have your two last letters, and I see that 
the ferment increases rather than diminishes in our Mountains. 
The people as a whole was very loyal to the King ; do you remember 
how they wanted to throw down an old officer who was accused 
of speaking disrespectfully of the King ? But where there is an outcry 
of ' Privileges,' every one gathers together and makes common 
cause, as you see ; in the dispute about Penance, the case was very 
different than about the question of to-day. Penance was already 
abolished by nearly all the Protestant Churches ; it was no spiritual 
question, but a temporal punishment inflicted by the Classe and 
which caused the death of many innocents. The people wished for 
the abolition of this penance, a part of the Classe held the same 
view ; at this time all the people, nearly, sides with the Classe, or 
rather with the privileges, and, to say the truth, the words in favour 
of the Classe are very clear. I see you think that the canton of Bern 
will lend a strong hand in case of need, and if duly requisitioned. 
I doubt it ; I do not see how that canton could interfere except as 
an arbitrator ; it would doubtless wish to retain that right, but 
nothing more. I see little hope of my passport, and none of coming 
without one. I want very much to return to Switzerland; though 
I have just inherited a rather nice property and a good house all 
furnished, I yet prefer Colombier. . . ." 

Next day he wrote to Finkenstein : 

"It is already said in the principality that the supreme power 
rests with Neuchatel ; that means that in the final appeal everything 
is decided there, and that there should be no resort to Bern. There 
are even some people who give an even more presumptuous inter- 
pretation to this opinion." 


From Breda, January 22nd, 1762, he again wrote to 
Finkenstein : 

"... I have received your letter with my almanack, and the 
hope of the turnip seed, of which I beg you to send me a little to 
Neuchatel for me to sow there. I have in my pocket a passport 
to hand at a French port, but without passing through Paris, 
doubtless not to give umbrage to the Court of Vienna. I hope 
that the wise measures your Excellency has taken will re-establish 
peace in my province ; I see no other means." 

Milord Marischall returned, as he expected, to a 
hornet's nest. 

His first worry was a comparatively small one, but 
he felt it, for he was very fond of his young friend 
Elcho. The Earl of Wemyss, as the latter now was, 
de jure, but not de facto, was now over thirty, and 
weary of a lonely, impecunious exile, and of his French 
dancer, Mile. Vigano, was contemplating matrimony. 
A rich wife was, of course, essential. He finally fixed 
his volatile fancy on a fair Swiss widow, a Madame du 
May, and, after four days' acquaintance, proposed to 
her. But Madame quite declined to marry " a rebel." 
Milord returned to find Elcho in the depths of disap- 
pointment, and in despair when, two weeks later, the 
lady married another Briton, a Welshman, " chevalier " 

Immediately upon his arrival the Governor was be- 
sieged by a deputation of the Five Estates, with a 
detailed Memorial to be sent to Berlin, obsequious in 
form, but not abandoning any claims which were the 
origin of the disputes, and further, demanding, not only 
justice, but vengeance, " punishment of the prime 
author of our disturbances, and of those who have 
supported him." 

Naturally, as we shall see three days later, Milord 


Marechal was unfavourably prepossessed from the 

Elcho tried to pour oil on the troubled waters. With 
his insight and intimate acquaintance with the feeling 
of the country, he advised Milord to accept the new 

" I informed him," he writes in his Journal, " that if he would 
not take this course the Council of State would do it in spite of 
him. He replied that they would not dare to do so, was irritated 
with me, and asked me why I meddled in this matter. I answered 
that my interest led me to do so, that I had come to reside in the 
country from love of him, and that my happiness, my interest, and 
my pleasure made me wish that he would pass the remainder of 
his days there. But, knowing him as I did, I knew well that if the 
Council of State received the Minister without his consent, he would 
take it to heart and quit the country." 

The day after the presentation of the Memorial the 
Governor informed the Quatre Ministraux that he would 
accept the new pastor, Breguet, provided they with- 
drew any statements against the authority of the 
sovereign which were contained in these two proposals, 
viz. : "1st, that the sovereignty should reside in the 
State," which was in the remonstrance of Decem- 
ber 22nd, 1760 ; and, 2nd, that the inhabitants of this 
country, being " sovereign/' were at liberty to prescribe 
to the Prince they elected the conditions under which 
they would submit to him, and that, " far from the 
right of supremacy existing still, or that it had ever 
been conferred on the ruler in 1707, it had been abso- 
lutely proscribed by the Articles Generaux." 

Many forms of the Memorial were discussed, and the 
Governor agreed to them provided the formal compliance 
of the conditions he imposed were adhered to. 

" We have just declared to Your Excellency that we retract and 
disavow all that is contained in the two clauses and in all others 


which might be contrary to the lawful authority of the Prince and 
the fundamental constitution of the State." 

Unfortunately, before sending in the final draft, the 
Five Estates could not resist, in order to fix the real 
sense of the principle that " sovereignty resides in the 
State/' and the assertion that the inhabitants were 
" sovereign " in 1707, adding that it meant, not that 
they were free to erect themselves as sovereign princes, 
but only to name that claimant for the sovereignty of 
their country whose claims on their country should 
appear to them most reliably founded. 

By this postscript they were wrecked in port. 

His Excellency not only declined to agree to the 
Memorial, but he would not even hear it read. More, 
he resigned his office, and announced his retirement in 
a letter to the President of the Council of State : 

" I send you two papers, of which No. 1 is the draft of a petition 
which I had been led to hope would be agreed to by the bodies of 
the State, and presented to me, on which condition I should have 
accepted the minister and all would have been ended ; No. 2 is the 
one which the bodies had substituted for the other. You are aware, 
Monsieur, that according to the first draft I passed over in silence 
several clauses by which the King considered his authority attacked ; 
I took this upon myself, without Mis Majesty's orders, knowing his 
goodness and his desire to restore tranquillity to the State ; but 
I could not give them the consent they ask for without knowing 
if His Majesty will be pleased with that offered him in No. 2 ; so 
I reply that I will send their Memoir to the King and await his 
orders. The mayor of Brenets came to see me to enquire if I would 
accept the minister appointed by the Classe in the room of M. 
Petitpierre, if Memoir No. 1 was agreed to and presented ; I told 
him yes, that I had already perhaps taken too much upon myself 
without the King's orders ; if they changed a comma I would not 
receive the Memoir, and that I was freed from my promise ; they 
knew the terms upon which I promised to wind up everything, 
and they would not have them. Another reason which prevents 
me receiving the Memoir is that, seeing by the presentation of No. 2 


that I have failed in my attempt, I had already written directly 
to the King and resigned my office, and, therefore, am no longer 
in a position to receive Memoirs. Monsieur, I hand you over the 
seals, and I beg you to inform the inhabitants of the State that 
they do not trouble themselves to address me again, and regret 
not being able to serve them. 

" I am, Sir, your very humble, and very obedient servant, 


" 25 February, 1762." 

He was indignant, and not only with the Neuchatelois. 
For, with his wide view of current European politics, 
obtained from first-hand knowledge of different States, 
he thought he saw, behind the subjects of the King of 
Prussia, the support of the French, backing them up. 
That there was a party in Neuchatel inclined to France 
there is no doubt, and Elcho, who had been an officer 
in the French army, was in it. 

In March 1762 the Governor wrote to Finkenstein 
that Ostervald had reported that there were people 
bought by France, who were in communication with 
Chavigny, the French Minister at Bern. He suggested 
that three or four of these should be exiled for life, or 
the country would never quiet down. A little later he 
thought " affairs becoming more and more unsettled." 
A week later, " going from bad to worse." Early in 
April, that " the object was to reduce the King's au- 
thority to nought, and that Chavigny was abetting. 
The malcontents sought only for a pretext to invoke 
French intervention." 

The work of pacification had all to be begun over 
again. The Five Estates turned to Bern. To the 
Castle of Colombier they sent a deputation with a 
memorandum to cause the Governor to relent. The 
State Council did all in its power to make him recon- 
sider his decision, but in vain. 


At the Hotel de Ville all the delegates of the Com- 
munes assembled, armed with full power, to consult 
with the deputies of the Five Estates. We must re- 
member that France, allied with Spain, was a strong 
Power on the immediate frontier of Neuchatel ; and the 
province had no mind to fall a prey to her, nor to 
bring down the King's retribution on their heads, and 
that Milord was a powerful lever for Frederic's favour. 

Bern was anxious now that Neuchatel had taken 
matters into its own hands ; it feared the French 
Canton de Vaud might wax independent, and therefore 
Bern wrote begging the Governor to soothe Frederic's 
outraged feelings, and, if he failed, as a final resort, 
they would, upon the request of the Estates, petition 
the King themselves, in order to wind up matters, but 
while yet reserving the liberties of the principality. 

A deputation of high ranks of the Estates was sent 
to Colombier, armed with powers from a full Council. 
The deputation presented an imperative but deferential 
demand for justice. Pastor Breguet was to be ap- 
pointed ; while recalling the reserve of their freedom 
in 1707, they declared inviolable loyalty " to the great 
King who governs us, and his august house." They 
added that - 

" Aware of the matters which have displeased His Majesty and 
his government as to certain clauses in certain productions of the 
Five Estates, we unanimously and with acclamation declare that we 
disavow, reject, and hate all that in that production infringes in 
the slightest degree on the legitimate authority of the sovereign, and 
that with the same candour and sincerity we disavow, reject, and 
hate all that can infringe in the slightest degree the laws and con- 
stitution of the State, on our rights, franchises, and liberties." 

His Excellency received the deputation, agreed to 
their Memorial, and cancelled his resignation, adding, 


however, one proviso. It was the reinstatement of 
Chaillet and Ostervald, after their eighteen months 
of exile. 

So Pastor Breguet was inducted, the following 
Sunday, to La Chaux de Fonds, and by order of 
the State Council, and to avoid any local disturbance, 
four Councillors of State attended the ceremony, by 
the kind permission of Messieurs de la Classe. 

Thus had the ecclesiastical powers won a victory ; 
but they were not to be the conquerors in the next 
struggle ! 

Poor, honest, conscientious Petitpierre, who had only 
been expelled " for not wanting people to be eternally 
damned," went away at once, and took refuge in 
England. Here he spent a long exile of fifteen years, 
supporting himself by teaching. 

Rousseau, from Geneva, sympathized with Milord 
Marechal, blaming " the wicked of people Neuchatel, 
whom Milord Marechal tries to make happy, and who 
are kicking against his pricks." 

Voltaire did not lose the opportunity for a gibe and 
a good story : 

" Not long ago a Calvinist theologian named Petitpierre preached 
and wrote that the damned would one day be pardoned. The 
other pastors would have none of it. The dispute grew warm. The 
damned of Neufchatel deposed Petitpierre, who had mistaken hell 
for purgatory. It is written that one of them said to him : * My 
friend, I do not believe in hell any more than you do, but be sure 
that it is as well that your manservant, your tailor, and especially 
your lawyer, should believe in it.' " 

Under the word " Hell," Voltaire, in his Dictionary, 
lashed both the parties in the Neuchatel dispute : 

"... We have also had sacerdotal worries in Neuchatel. It is 
the fate of the Church, because the Church is composed of men. 


Since Peter and Paul quarrelled, peace has never found a habitation 
among Christians. I wish it might reign in Geneva along with 
liberty, but it is on the point of quitting Neuchatel. 

" I am well aware that no one can reproach us with having shed 
blood like the adherents of Athanasius and those of Arius, nor to 
have brained each other with stone hammers, as the Africans, 
disciples of Donatus, Bishop of Tunis, fought against the party of 
Augustine, Bishop of Hippo. We have not imitated the fury of St. 
Cyril against those who called Mary the mother of Jesus, but not 
the mother of God. 

" We have not imitated the rage of Christians, who, forgetting 
that all the Fathers of the Church had been Platonists, went in Alex- 
andria in 415 and seized beautiful Hypatia in her pulpit when she 
was teaching Plato's philosophy, dragged her by the hair to the 
public square, and massacred her, without the slightest remorse 
for her youth, her beauty, and her virtue ; for they were led by a 
theologian who held with Aristotle against Plato. 

" We have not had those civil wars which devastated Europe 
during those twenty-seven bloody schisms, made by holy claimants 
to the chair of St. Peter, with the title of the Vicar of God, and with 
the prerogative of infallibility. We have not renewed the unthink- 
able horrors of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, those hor- 
rible times when seven or eight theological arguments changed men 
into wild beasts, as in other days the theologian Circe changed Greeks 
into animals by words. 

" Our quarrels have not been ridiculous. The minds of our 
preachers began to grow warm, about four years ago, over a poor 
devil of a country pastor, named Petitpierre, a worthy fellow 
who understood the Trinity perfectly, and knew just how the 
Holy Spirit proceeds, but who erred in toto ccelo over the matter 
of hell. 

" This Petitpierre understood very well how, in the garden of 
Eden, there was a tree which gave the knowledge of good and evil ; 
how Adam and Eve lived about nine hundred years from having 
eaten of it ; but he could not swallow that we should be burnt for 
ever for the business. He was a methodical man. He was quite 
willing that the descendants of Adam, white as well as black, red 
or ashy coloured, young or old, should be damned during seven or 
eight hundred thousand years ; that seemed to him all right ; he 
discovered, by integral calculus, that it was impossible, data fluente, 
that the momentary fault of a finite being should be punished by an 


infinite torment, because that the finite is nothing compared to the 

" To which our preachers replied that the Chaldeans had invented 
hell, the Egyptians had adopted it, the Greeks and the Romans 
had improved it (while the Jews were entirely ignorant of it), and 
even Dante. M. Petitpierre provided himself with some authorities, 
and recourse was had to Rabelaisian argument. The dispute grew 
warm ; our august ruler did what he could to appease it ; but 
M. Petitpierre went to be saved in England, and our monarch was 
kind enough to write that, since our priests absolutely wished to 
be damned for all eternity, he thought it well that they should be. 
I heartily concur, and much good may it do them." 

Frederic turned the laugh against himself. "Having 
beaten all the great States of Europe/' he said, " he 
had been forced to bow before the smallest of all." 

To Milord he wrote : 

" BKESLAU, April 10th, 1762. 

" My nose is the most impudent nose in the world, my dear mylord. 
I am ashamed of the trouble it gives you ; I ask you pardon for it, 
and I should be more abashed still did I not know how you sym- 
pathize with your friends' weakness and that of old you have had a 
particular indulgence for my nose. I am very glad to know that you 
are safely back in your province ; you will enjoy some repose there. 
As for myself there is a great vicissitude in my position. I have 
to have recourse, like a bad author, who, having made a confused 
tragedy, has to turn to a god of machinery to find a denouement. 
The Emperor of Russia is doing wonders ; I am under the greatest 
obligations to him. We shall go far with that man ; he is capable of 
forcing the obstinate people to peace. I am in an attack of nego- 
tiation which I hope will bring about a good campaign for me. 
This latter must be made ; I hope and believe it will be the last. 
I sigh deeply for peace, my dear mylord ; buffeted by fortune, 
old and decrepid as I am, there is nothing left for me but to cultivate 
my garden. Good-bye dear old friend ; I still hope to see you again 
one day, if I live and peace is made. I embrace you with all my 

" BRESLAU, April 21, 1762. 

" I would wish to be the favourite of the Muses and of Neptune, 
to help you when you need winds or verses, my dear mylord ; but 


I am nobody's favourite, and moreover, am persecuted by all the 
disciples whom Machiavelli has begotten in Europe. I have no one 
on my side except God, my just cause, and the Emperor of Russia. 
You depict so admirably female obstinacy that Raphael could add 
nothing to the picture ; in the case in question there is much 
ambition, an immoderate desire of dominating, and a hatred as 
undisguised as there ever has been. Our campaign will begin 
sooner than we thought ; I am no prophet, so that I am obliged to 
await events to judge on which side fortune will declare herself. 
I am amused that M. Chavigni troubles himself to a annoy 
your little theatre ; it can only be on the ground of extreme 
anxiety, for I see no object in it. In this upheaval of Europe, 
some shock must of necessity be felt at Neufchatel of the great 
movement which is shaking all the mass we inhabit. I do not 
know how or when we shall have peace, but I do not think that 
it will be general this year. She flees from me as Daphne from 
Apollo. All my money goes in horses, in arms, in stores ; nothing 
remains to me for clocks. So, my dear mylord, I will not trouble 
you to order any. I am rejoiced with the hope you give me of 
seeing you again one day ; this idea comes so pleasantly into my 
mind that I let it stay there ; the moment of embracing you does not 
seem to me so near. Good-bye, my dear mylord ; I thank you for 
the melon seeds ; enjoy rest at Colombier, and be sure that, to 
whatever spot you remove yourself, my friendship and esteem will 
follow you always." 

" BEESLAU, May Ilth, 1762. 

" Your letter has been safely delivered me, my dear mylord. I 
see that you continue to be very disatisfied with your Neufchatel 
people ; if you do not wish to rule them any longer, you must 
abandon them to their turpitude, and you may act in the matter 
as you like. As for me, I am so overwhelmed with business that 
I will leave your Swiss to dispute over eternal punishment without 
troubling myself about the most orthodox or the most philosophic 
opinion. You do too much honour to my unworthy self to believe 
me inspired by Pallas ; I wish very much that I was, but I think 
I shall end in a mad-house, from the kind of conspiracy which 
princes and Kings have plotted to turn my head. There is only 
my divine Emperor of Russia, whose praises I shall never cease to 
chant as long as I live. I believe Heaven caused him to be born 
in order to prove that virtue is quite compatible with qualities which 


belong to the throne. It is not likewise with your fellow-country- 
men, my dear mylord ; one would have to be an Astolph in order to 
seek certain vials which I rather suspect that Saint John keeps for 
them in the moon. Here is the season for operations beginning, 
and I sit here like a fool ; let him not go to Corinth who will. 
Political and military affairs are in a strange chaos ; some deus ex 
machina is required to unravel all this. Heaven help us ! I beg 
you to redouble your prayers for us ; and, if the prayers of honest 
folk are favourably received by the gods, yours should be efficacious. 
Good-bye, my dear mylord ; my head is overfull ; I should only write 
nonsense to you if I went on. Continue your friendship for me, 
and be sure of mine." 


" AFTER the storm, the swell." The victorious Estates 
would not submit. At a meeting not only was the 
Act of 1707, securing their freedom of action, renewed, 
but a very great innovation in the direction of self- 
government was resolved upon. It was that annually, 
on Midsummer Day, there was to be an assembly for 
the Five Estates. This resolution was sent round to 
every parish. 

It will be noted that the scheme came to the parishes 
via the " channel of the pasteurs." For two years 
the Compagnie des Pasteurs had fought for supremacy 
against the King. Its aim was not only to safeguard 
ecclesiastical liberties, but more, to become an Estate 
of the country. As the Canons of the Collegiate Church 
on the castle hill of Neuchatel had, in mediaeval days, 
governed the country in concert with the nobles, but 
ranking before them, so now oh ! shades of the 
Reformers who died to rescue the land from priest- 
craft ! the pastors, who sprang, indeed, not from the 
peasant, but from the middle and professional classes, 
wished, as a body, to be first and to have a finger in the 
government. No wonder that Milord Marechal and 
Frederic were intent on clipping the wings of the 
" Lamas," as His Excellency dubbed them ; and they 



Upon this new move, scarcely a month after their 
victory over Petitpierre, the Council of State, fearing 
to be reduced permanently to their state of impotency 
of the last two years, declined to accept what would 
have led to a perpetual recurrence of agitation. At 
last they asserted themselves vigorously. In every 
church they caused a manifesto to be read setting forth 
that this resolution of the Estates was an attack upon 
the royal authority, and upon law and order, and they 
strictly forbade the parishes to receive the document. 

The Governor, in sending to Berlin the " Project for 
establishing periodical assemblies of the Five Estates/' 
added his opinion that it " was illegal and pernicious to 
the King's authority/' 

This drastic assertion of authority caused the Estates 
to eat humble pie ; they confessed that they might have 
acted too thoughtlessly, and protested to the Scrutator 
of hearts and reins the integrity of their intentions, 
and prophesied a cruel future for themselves and their 

The Council ended the matter by professing them- 
selves satisfied, and declining to meet the delegates 
again, and so the question of periodical assemblies 
vanished into the air. 

On May 14th Frederic wrote cheerfully : 

" If you do not wish to govern the Neuchatelois any longer, one 
must leave them to their turpitude ; I, having too much to do, 
leave the Swiss to argue over eternal punishment, without being 
troubled by the most orthodox or philosophical doctrine." 

Early in June Finkenstein wrote that 

" Things must be allowed to go on as they are till the end of the 
war, and then a commission should be sent which should appeal 
to Bern as arbitrator and ally, and that canton should be requested 
to send deputies to help to put Neuchatel affairs in order." 



Milord Marechal, when peace was practically restored, 
retired to Colombier and his books and his " family." 
He was sore and angry over what had taken place. It 
puzzled him, used to Frederic's despotic rule in his 
Prussian provinces, that State Councillors could be 
deprived of their civil rights, not for resisting the law, 
but for discussing their institutions in published writ- 
ings, in which they upheld the authority of the sove- 
reign. Most of the Neuchatelois could not forgive his 
running counter to them, but an intelligent and culti- 
vated little circle were his proven friends. 

It was some months before Ostervald and Chaillet 
were reinstated, and not before they had personally 
stood in white sheets as it were before the Town Council. 

That the Governor was somewhat cold-shouldered 
by Neuchatel society on account of his attitude is 
plainly to be seen from a letter of Ferdinand Ostervald 
after his return from Morat. 

"... Regularly I go to the chateau every day or two ; my 
wife often goes there too, and we are well received. Milord is 
left almost entirely alone, and it is plain that our business is the 
cause of the general desertion. The mayor of the town is the only 
one who keeps up civilities ; I do not mean M. Meuron, or the mayor 
of La Cote (David de Pury) ; these latter are there as often as I 
am. . . . The peace with England gives no hope that our King 
may be able to make peace this winter. We wish it very heartily as a 
cure for the anarchy under which we live, and the oppression which 
we endure. I myself do not hope, however, after what has passed, 
and the distressing bias which has been aroused against me, 
that I shall ever be very pleasantly situated here again. For, if 
the ringleaders are proceeded against, the families to which they 
belong will never forgive me for it, and will always try and make 
out that I am an enemy of liberty. However, I shall be neither 
less happy nor less peaceful, being convinced that I shall have done 
my duty and procured the true liberty of my country. It is for 
the next generation to feel what this one would not understand. 

" It seems that Milord is very displeased with our folk ; before 


this, he was very reserved about our affairs ; to-day he makes no 
bones in speaking of the town and the four ministers as people 
who would be ready to give help to the Queen of Hungary. All 
that is probably said ironically, doubtless, but yet, etc. . . ." 

In his comparative isolation, missing not only his 
friend, Colonel Chaillet, but the society of Madrid and 
London, Milord must have been delighted at a letter 
which he suddenly and unexpectedly received early in 
July 1762. 

Jean Jacques Rousseau's work on Education, 
"Emile," which had been ordered to be burnt as per- 
nicious by the Parliament of Paris, had been quickly 
followed by that on Marriage, " Le Contrat Social." The 
latter caused so much further indignation and irritation 
that Rousseau had fled from France to Geneva, his 
native city. But the merry, easy-living Genevese were 
the descendants of the root-and-branch Reformers who 
had extirpated Romanism with a relentless hand. Vol- 
taire's presence was already defiling, as they deemed it, 
the shore of their lake, and their orthodoxy recoiled 
from receiving another erring philosopher, even though 
their own citizen, in their midst. Chaponniere's cleric 
reflected their sentiments : 

"Car il dit a son trompeau: 
S'il est du mal sur la terre ! 
C'est la faute de Voltaire ! 
C'est la faute de Kousseau ! " 

His " Emile" was ordered to the flames at Geneva, 
and the author promptly crossed the border into Neu- 
chatel. Here he knew he had to deal with a Governor 
who was the personal friend of the philosopher King. 
To the former he at once despatched the following 


In the Library at Neuchatel. 

II. 128] 


" Vitam impendere vero 

"July, 1762. 

" A poor author prescribed by France, by his native land, by 
the canton of Bern, on account of having said what he thought was 
useful and good, comes to seek for a refuge in the King's States. 
Milord, do not grant it me if I am guilty, for I ask no favour, and 
do not think I need one ; but if I am but oppressed, it is worthy 
of you and of his majesty not to refuse me fire and water, of which the 
whole world wishes to deprive me. I thought myself bound to 
announce to you both my retreat and my name, unhappily but 
too well known from my misfortunes. Decree my fate; I submit 
to your orders, but if you command me to quit the dominion where 
I am, it is impossible for me to obey, as I should not know whither 
to fly." 

Eousseau enclosed a letter to the King : 

" I have said much harm about you ; I shall perhaps say more ; 
yet, driven from France, from Geneva, from the canton of Bern, 
I seek an asylum in your dominions. My fault is that I did not do 
so at first. The praise is among that of which you are worthy. 
Sire, I have deserved none of your favours, and I do not ask for 
any ; but I thought I ought to inform Your Majesty that I was 
in his power, and that I desired to be : let him do with me as he 

We have seen how the Earl Marischall had early fallen 
a victim to the fascination of Eousseau's writings, and 
had become a convert to his doctrines. With what 
delight must he have learnt of Eousseau's proximity ! 
He had envied his friends their acquaintance with Jean 
Jacques ; with what pleasure he now could look forward 
to intercourse with him ! 

A letter of welcome, far and above what the philo- 
sopher had dared to hope for, was instantly despatched, 
and Frederic was promptly informed of Eousseau's 
II 9 


" COLOMBIER, 12 July, 1762. 

" I am writing to the King to ask for orders for your refuge in 
this country ; in the meantime rest in peace. I shall be very 
pleased to be able to give you any pleasure, as I admire your mind 
and respect your character. 

" If you would come here it would give me much pleasure. I 
would send a horse or a chair to bring you ; you could remain 
sans gene as long or as little as you pleased. You will find me 
an old man, nearly a Savage, though perhaps somewhat spoilt 
by dealings with civilized savages." 

Frederic's spirits were rising again. His implacable 
enemy, the bellicose Elizabeth, had died, and he had 
just concluded an alliance with the new Czar, Peter III, 
his fervent admirer. The Austrians were on the verge 
of being driven out of Silesia. He at once acceded to 
Rousseau's request. 

" DITTMANNSDORP, July 29th, 1762. 

" Let us give asylum to the unfortunate, my dear mylord. This 
Rousseau is a queer fellow, a cynical philosopher whose wallet is his 
only goods. As far as possible he must be prevented from writing, 
because he discusses ticklish subjects which would send the blood 
to your Neufchatel folks' heads, and bring about a clamour 
among your priests, already too inclined to disputations and full of 
fanaticism. I am now opposite Marshal Daun, opposite his Cannon 
and his mountains. We have almost dragged him out of Schweid- 
nitz, which we were getting ready to besiege. I had twenty thou- 
sand Russians here for a fortnight ; I only passed through, and they 
were no longer there. All their army has gone back to Russia, and 
we remain good friends, ready to help if I lose. Prince Ferdinand 
does wonders ; the French are going to withdraw from Hesse and 
Gottingen. What a succession of victories for the English by land 
and sea ! All they want is a clever minister who will profit in peace 
from the splendid position to which their arms have brought them. 

" Good-bye, my dear mylord ; my nose is full of gratitude for 
the tobacco with which you have had the kindness to supply it. I 
tell you nothing about myself ; you know I am your well-tried 


The Governor lost no time in despatching the King's 
permission to Rousseau, who had settled himself with 
Therese Le Vasseur at Motiers, in the high Jura valley 
of the Val de Ruz. Here he had been lent a comfort- 
able stone house with high-pitched brown roof over a 
deep balcony, by Madame Boy de la Tour, the wealthy 
widow of a Lyonais, a Neuchateloise by birth, with 
relatives in the neighbourhood of Motiers. This little 
house, as also relics of Rousseau's sojourn on Neuchatel 
soil, is carefully preserved by her great-grandson to- 

" August 6th, 1762. 

" I have the King's reply, who is very pleased to grant asylum 
to persecuted virtue ; he hopes (he says) that you will not write 
on prurient matters, which might excite too lively sensations in 
the heads of the Neufchatelois, and cause a clamour from all your 
priests (he says your because he was speaking to me of the Neuf- 
chatelois who are inclined to controversy and full of fanaticism) . I 
shall write to him that you do not wish either to read, write, or 
speak ; that you will be content to think and do lacets. 

" He tells me that the Russian army is returning to Russia, and 
that we shall remain good friends. His letter is from Ditmansdorf, 
July 29th. 

" At last you have a secure refuge ; but I hope that the Petits 
maitres et Petites waitresses of Motiers from time to time will force 
your barricades and force you to take refuge in the square tower, 
where I shall be nearer to see you sometimes, when, like the Delay 
Lama, you will allow yourself to be visible. Bon jour. 

" I have just had a visit from a minister, a great admirer of you 
and your books. I was shewn a letter from Bern in which Voltaire 
is accused of having plotted the annoyances at Geneva against you, 
and, if the letter is true, they are sorry for it and are angry with 
the Poet. You had already told me that it was Voltaire who 
had stirred up the troubles in your native land, but I was not 
aware that the public had had its eyes opened over it." 

Rousseau's reply was as graceful as it was grateful. 
In Milord he perceived a new and very congenial 
acquaintance, as well as a protector : 


" It is quite true that I owe to you the permission which the King 
gives me of residing in his dominions, for it is you who will render 
it dear to me, and, if it had been refused, you might have blamed 
yourself for changing my departure into exile." 

He hoped the King was not making, as a condition to 
enjoying his hospitality, that he should cease to write. 
As for the little circle of intelligent upper-class Neu- 
chatelois, in their Val de Ruz country-houses for the 
summer the Merveilleux, d'lvernois, the de Pury, 
friends of Milord, who were pressing a welcome on 
Rousseau, he had no desire " that the agreeable people 
of Metiers should drive me thence to wish to inhabit 
the Tour Carree [the State prison of Geneva]. ... If 
my pilgrimages are not wearisome to you, I shall 
divide my time very pleasantly. Here I shall make 
lace with the women ; at Colombier, I shall go and 
think with you." 

Milord hastened to disabuse Rousseau of any notion 
that Frederic wished to restrict his pen. 

"August 24, 1762. 

" The King, in agreeing to your residence in this country, made no 
condition at all ; what he said about the Neufchatelois heads, etc., 
was to me, without any order to speak to you about it ; but we are 
of one mind ; you will not set the house on fire in which you live, 
and I, I only wish that your retreat may be agreeable to you. As 
to the engagement not to read, write, etc., I understand it as you 
do ; and as a /aeon de parler, not to be taken seriously. I should 
be very sorry if we had no more of you than your lacets, even if you 
made them to the utmost perfection. I will not speak again of the 
square tower, but it will remain empty ; one does not know what 
may happen ; the cold might drive you to your very humble and very 
obedient servant, 


Milord Marechal wrote to Frederic that something 
might be done to relieve Rousseau pecuniarily. But 
this was a most delicate matter to set in hand. 


" PETERWALDAU, September 1st, 1762. 

" Your letter, my dear mylord, about Rousseau at Geneva gave 
me much pleasure. I see that we think alike ; this poor unfortunate 
must be relieved, for his only sin is in having peculiar opinions, 
which he thinks are good. I will have a hundred ecus sent you, 
and you will kindly make over to him what he needs. I think by 
giving him things of this kind he will accept them rather than money. 
If we were not at war, if we were not ruined, I would have a hermit- 
age built for him, with a garden where he could dwell as he thinks 
our forefathers lived. I confess my ideas are as different from his 
as the finite from the infinite ; he will never persuade me to graze 
on herbs and to go on all fours. It is true that this Asiatic luxury, 
this superfluity of good living, of voluptuousness, of delicacy, is 
not essential for our preservation, and that we could live more 
simply and more frugally than we do ; but why give up the amenities 
of life when we can enjoy them ? True philosophy, it seems to me> 
is that which, without forbidding use, condemns abuse ; one should 
know how to do without everything, but not give up anything. I 
confess that many modern philosophers do not please me by the 
paradoxes which they enunciate. They wish to pronounce new 
truths, and they only give out errors which shock common sense. I 
hold with Locke, with my friend Lucretius, with my good Emperor 
Marcus Aurelius ; these people have told us all that we can know, 
save the physics of Epicurus, and all that can make us moderate, 
good, and wise. After that it is amusing to be told that we are all 
equal, and therefore should live like savages, without laws, without 
social intercourse, without police ; that fine arts have hurt morals, 
and other as little tenable paradoxes. I think Rousseau has missed 
his vocation ; he was doubtless born to be a famous hermit, a Father 
of the desert celebrated by his devotions and his macerations, a 
Stylites. He would have performed miracles, have become a saint ; 
he would have swelled the long catalogue of martyrology ; but now 
he will only be looked upon as an extraordinary philosopher who is 
resuscitating, two thousand years after, the sect of Diogenes. It is 
not worth while to graze on grass, to quarrel with all the contem- 
porary philosophers. The late Maupertuis told me a story about 
him which hits him off well. During his first stay in France, 
Rousseau lived in Paris on what he earned by copying music. The 
Due d' Orleans heard that he was poor and unfortunate and gave 
him some music to transcribe, that he might have the opportunity 
of treating him generously, lie sent him fifty louis ; Rousseau only 


took five, and returned the rest, which he would never take, however 
much he was pressed to do so, saying that his work was not worth 
more, and that the Due d' Orleans could spend the money better 
in giving it to people poorer and more idle than himself. Such 
great disinterestedness is without doubt the essential foundation 
of virtue ; thus I judge that your savage has morals as pure as his 
mind is inconsistent. 

" I pass from your savage philosopher to the savages in white 
clothing who have less morals than he has, against whom we fight 
daily, but who, up till now, do not crush us. We are besieging 
Schweidnitz under their nose ; they wanted to prevent us, but 
fortune declared for the Prince of Bevern and ourselves. The 
fortress is at its last gasp ; the garrison wished to capitulate ; there 
are ten thousand men ready to be taken. If I let them go out, they 
will perch themselves on high mountains, so that in ten years I shall 
not take them ; but with a little patience we shall have them. There, 
my dear mylord, is an epitome of our campaign, and, I think, as 
much as you need to satisfy your curiosity. It looks very much as 
if this campaign would be the last of this unhappy war. I have 
renewed hopes of seeing you again, and it is one of the ideas which 
gives me the greatest joy ; I do not conceal from you, my dear my- 
lord, how I like your fine character, and I think I find in you some- 
what of what I have lost and what I mourn. Good-bye, my dear 
mylord. Should Rousseau find no philosopher worthy of his trust, 
I at least hope that you rely on friendship which will never belie 

Milord to Rousseau 

" Wednesday, 15 September, 1762. 

" You will do a good deed in coming to see me to me I mean, to 
yourself not at all. I am nothing ; I am too old ; all the machinery 
is worn out ; I need not say so, it is but too plain to see. Moreover, 
you see no one, and I am obliged to see many people, and God knows 
what sort. Patience ! I am too old to go and become a naturalized 
Kalmuc, and you too infirm to retire to the forests of North America. 
Come at least while I am still here ; you will be quieter than in the 
town, and freer. I am going there soon ; the bad weather will drive 
me hence. I will send my carriage; bring your housekeeper, and 
stay as long as you will, and live as you like, and as if you were in 
the forests. 


"... How is one to prevent Voltaire from writing and publishing 
his writings ? Short of having a Carvajal and using the remedy he 
employed to silence his commune, one must let him go on. It will 
pass like the mist which is over the mountains ; if Frederick was a 
fool and an idiot, he would be a pleasant man beloved and praised 
to excess, and no one would say anything against him, have you 
never heard a pretty woman praised without the other adding some 
buts ? It is the same with men. Bon jour. Let me know when you 
want my chaise for two." 

Let Jean Jacques himself describe his meeting with 
" good my lord " the latter in his stiff-skirted coat 
and flowing wig, the philosopher in his queer long brown 
Armenian dress, with girdle and fur cap : 

" The pastor said it was good enough for the * temple,' so I saw 
no impropriety in wearing it at Milord MarechaVs. His Excellency, 
on seeing me in this dress, only said to me : ' Salamaliki? After 
which I never wore anything else." 

" On my arrival at Motiers I had written to Lord Keith, marshal 
of Scotland, and governor of Neuchatel, informing him of my 
retreat into the states of his Prussian majesty, and requesting of 
him his protection. He answered me with his well-known generosity, 
and in the manner I had expected from him. He invited me to his 
house, and I went with Mr. Martinet, lord of the manor of Val de 
Travers, who was in great favour with his Excellency. The venerable 
appearance of this illustrious and virtuous Scotchman powerfully 
affected my heart, and from that instant began between him and 
me the strong attachment, which on my part still remains the 
same, and would be so on his, had not the traitors who have deprived 
me of all the consolations of life taken advantage of my absence 
to deceive his old age and to depreciate me in his esteem. George 
Keith, hereditary marshal of Scotland, and brother to the famous 
General Keith, who lived gloriously and died in the bed of honour, 
had quitted his country at a very early age, and was proscribed on 
account of his attachment to the house of Stuart. With that house, 
however, he soon became disgusted by the unjust and tyrannical 
spirit he remarked in the ruling character of the Stuart family. He 
lived a long time in Spain, the climate of which pleased him ex- 


ceedingly, and at length attached himself, as his brother had done, 
to the service of the King of Prussia, who knew men and gave them 
the reception they merited. His Majesty received a great return for 
this reception, in the services rendered him by Marshal Keith, and, 
by what was infinitely more precious, the sincere friendship of his 
lordship. The great mind of this worthy man, haughty and repub- 
lican, could stoop to no other yoke than that of friendship, but to 
this it was so obedient, that, with very different principles, he saw 
nothing but Frederic the moment he became attached to him. 
The King entrusted the marshal with affairs of importance, sent 
him to Paris, to Spain, and at length, seeing he was already ad- 
vanced in years, let him retire with the government of Neuchatel, 
and the delightful employment of passing there the remainder of 
his life in rendering the inhabitants happy. The people of Neu- 
chatel, who only love tinsel and affectation, know not how to dis- 
tinguish solid merit, and suppose wit to consist in long discourses. 
When they saw a sedate man of simple manners appear amongst 
them, they mistook his simplicity for haughtiness, his candour for 
rusticity, his laconism for stupidity, and rejected his benevolent 
attentions, because, wishing to be useful and not being a sycophant, 
he knew not how to natter people whom he did not esteem. In the 
ridiculous affair of the minister Petitpierre, who was displaced by 
his colleagues for having been unwilling they should be eternally 
damned, my Lord, opposing the usurpations of the ministers, saw 
the whole country, of which he took the part, rise up against him, 
and when I arrived there the stupid murmur had not entirely sub- 
sided. He passed for a man influenced by the prejudices with which 
he was inspired by others, and of all the imputations brought against 
him it was the most devoid of truth. 

" My first sentiment, on seeing this venerable old man, was that 
of tender commiseration, on account of his extreme leanness of 
body, years having already left him little else but skin and bone ; 
but when I raised my eyes to his animated, open, noble countenance, 
I felt a respect mingled with confidence which absorbed every 
other sentiment. He answered the very short compliment I made 
him when first I came into his presence by speaking of something 
else, as if I had already been a week in his house. He did not bid 
us sit down. The stupid chatelain, the lord of the manor, remained 
standing. For my part, I at first sight saw in the fine and piercing 
eye of his lordship something so conciliating that, feeling myself 
entirely at ease, I without ceremony took my seat by his side upon 


the sopha. By the familiarity of his manner I immediately per- 
ceived this liberty I took gave him pleasure, and that he said to 
himself : this is not a Neuchatelois. Singular effect of the similarity 
of characters ! at an age when the heart loses its natural warmth, 
that of this old man grew warm by his attachment to me to a degree 
which surprised everybody." 

We have from Rousseau a pleasant glimpse of the 
Earl MarischalFs life that summer, at Colombier, and 
of his visit to the Val de Ruz, and of the friendship 
which promptly sprang up between the two. 

" He came to see me at Metiers under the pretence of quail 
shooting, and staid there two days without touching a gun. We 
conceived such a friendship for each other that we knew not how 
to live separate : the castle of Colombier, where he passed the 
summer, was six leagues from Metiers ; I went there at least once 
a fortnight, and made a stay of twenty-four hours, and then returned 
like a pilgrim with my heart full of affection for my host. The 
emotion I had formerly experienced in my journeys from the Her- 
mitage to Eaubonne was certainly very different, but it was not more 
pleasing than that with which I approached Colombier. What 
tears of tenderness have I not shed when on the road to it, while 
thinking of the paternal goodness, amiable virtues, and charming 
philosophy of this venerable old man ! I called him father, and he 
called me son. These affectionate names give, in some measure, 
an idea of the attachment by which we were united, but by no means 
that of the want we felt of each other, nor of our continual desire 
to be together. He even wished to give me an apartment at the 
castle of Colombier, and for a long time pressed me to take up my 
residence in that in which I lodged during my visits. I at length 
told him I was more free and at my ease in my own house, and that 
I had rather continue until the end of my life to come and see him. 
He approved of my frankness, and never afterwards spoke to me 
on the subject. . . .The journey fromMotiers to Colombier being 
too long for me to perform in a single day, I commonly divided 
it by setting off after dinner and sleeping at Brot, which is half-way. 
The landlord of the inn when I stopt, named Sandoz, having to 
solicit at Berlin a favour of importance to him, begged I would 
request his excellency to ask it on his behalf. Most willingly, said 


I, and took Mm with me. I left him in the antechamber, and 
mentioned the matter to his lordship, who returned me no answer. 
After passing the whole morning with him, I saw as I crossed the 
hall to go to dinner, poor Sandoz, who was tired to death with 
waiting. Thinking the governor had forgotten what I had said to 
him, I again spoke of the business before we sat down to table ; 
but still received no reply. I thought that this manner of making 
me feel that I was importunate was rather severe, and, pitying the 
man who was waiting, held my tongue. On my return the next 
day I was much surprised at the thanks he returned me for the good 
dinner his Excellency had given him after receiving his paper. 
Three weeks afterwards his lordship sent him the rescript he had 
solicited, despatched by the minister, and signed by the King, and 
this without having said a word either to myself or Sandoz con- 
cerning the business, about which I thought he did not choose to 
give himself the least concern. I could wish incessantly to talk of 
George Keith ; from him proceeds my recollection of the last happy 
moment I have enjoyed ; the rest of my life, since our separation, 
has been passed in affliction and grief of heart. The remembrance 
of this is so melancholy and confused that it was impossible for me 
to observe the least order in what I write, so that in future I shall 
be under the necessity of stating facts without giving them a regular 

" I was soon relieved from my uneasiness arising from the un- 
certainty of my asylum by the answer from His Majesty to the 
Lord Marshal, in whom, as it will readily be believed, I had found an 
able advocate. The King not only approved of what had been done, 
but desired him, for I must relate everything, to give me twelve louis. 
The good old man, rather embarrassed by the commission, and not 
knowing how to execute it properly, endeavoured to soften the 
insult by transforming the money into provisions, and writing to 
me that he had received orders to furnish me with wood and coal 
for my little establishment ; he moreover added, and perhaps 
from himself, that His Majesty would willingly build me a little 
house, such a one as I should choose to have, provided I would fix 
on the ground. I was extremely sensible of the kindness of the last 
offer, which made me forget the weakness of the other." 

The friendship progressed, and the Earl Marischall, 
who liked his friends to be also his friends' friends, 


made Rousseau better acquainted by hearsay with " the 
good David " Hume, by writing : 

"September 1762. 

" I cannot remember if I have already sent you a print of Mr. 
Hume ; here is one. I will tell you two anecdotes about this Philo- 
sopher which have particularly pleased me : the first is the meeting 
with one Wallace, who wrote (and very well) against one of his 
essays, David asked him when it would be printed ; Mr. Wallace 
having replied that he was too busy then to have the time to revise 
his work, David undertook this business, and did it honestly. The 
other is that the Lamas being assembled in Synod to excommunicate 
this Antichrist (for such he is in Scotland, as you in Switzerland), 
David went and sat down among the Lamas to listen with an 
admirable sang froid to all the abuse so devoutly hurled at him, 
taking snuff and holding his tongue. His composure disconcerted 
the Lamas ; they broke up without excommunicating him. 

" Nota bene, our Lamas can only excommunicate ; yours claim 
to burn, which is no joke, at least for those who are burnt. 

"If you have already got a print, send this one to Mylord Stan- 
hope (living at Geneva)." 

" October 2nd, 1762. 

" I have written to Mr. Hume and am building some Chateaux en 
Espagne', they are easy to build, and are perhaps as good as any 
others. Through David Hume I am arranging your business with 
the publisher. I am marrying off my daughter ; when she is settled 
I am going to Scotland. I will give you a couple of rooms in my 
house, and the same to good and gentle David. No one goes into 
anyone else's rooms ; there will be a reception room to see each 
other in ; we shall have Placidam sub libertate quietem ; that is my 
motto. I should wish every one to contribute to the necessary 
expenses of the little republic according to his income, and should 
tax himself ; the food would not be much, as trout, salmon, sea- 
fish, and vegetables cost me nothing ; David would pay for the 
sirloin because he eats it. We must have two carriages if the 
fancy takes us to go out ; there will be no other rules or laws in the 
republic; each one will make his own, both Spiritual and temporal. 
There is my castle ; the foundation is already laid. I have seen since 
you left that the ' Emile ' is printed by two or three booksellers in 
London ; it is announced in the public papers, and new editions 


of * H61oise.' There is a foundation which I consider as sound, a 
good edition of your works, for your share of the voluntary taxes ; 
and on that foundation I guarantee to find you the money, while 
waiting for the new edition. Bon jour. 

" As your works are being publicly retailed in London, the pub- 
lisher who compiled a complete edition will make his fortune." 

" I send you, Monsieur, a letter to which I await a reply, and I 
trust it will be favourable to the wishes of the King and of your 

" The King writes to me : ' Your letter, my dear mylord, on the 
matter of Rousseau has given me much pleasure. I see that we 
think alike.' 

" Then he orders me to send you from him some corn, wine, and 
wood ; adding, ' I think that in giving him things of Nature, he will 
accept them rather than money.' I leave you to decide if this way 
of treating you does not deserve some return from you, and if in 
conscience you can refuse to please a man who would be very glad, 
did affairs permit him, to make a fourth with David, Jean Jaques, 
and your humble servant. 


" October 29, 1762." 

To Milord Marechal, in sending him the following 
letter : 

" MOTIBBS, Nov. 1st, 1762. 

" I am much touched, Milord, with the value of your letter to 
Mde. de Boufflers ; but it tells me nothing new, and your generous 
attentions can henceforth surprise me no more than they increase 
my feelings towards you. I think I need not tell you how touched I 
am with the King's kindness ; but in order to make you feel the 
effect of his kindness and of yours, I must confess to you that I did 
not like him before, or rather I had been deceived in him ; I hated 
another man under his name. You have given me a new heart, but 
a heart staunch to every attack, which will never change neither to 
him nor to you. 

" I have enough to live on for two or three years, and never have 
I been so careful ; but, if I was about to die of hunger, I should 
prefer, in this good Prince's present situation, and being of no use 
to him, to go and eat grass and gnaw roots than to accept a piece 


of bread from him. May I not rather, on Ms account and on the 
account of all the world, go and throw the pittance into a fund he 
requires, and which he knows so well how to use ! I should never 
in my life have done anything with greater pleasure. Let him 
make a glorious peace, settle his finances, restore his exhausted 
dominions ; and if I still live and he still feel as kindly towards me, 
you will see if I dread his benefactions. 

" Here, milord, is a letter I beg you to send him. I know how 
great his trust is in you, and I hope you do not doubt mine. . . . 
The latter must be seen only by the King, unless he gives leave. 

" I send your Excellency a parcel, the contents of which I beg him 
to accept ; it is the fruit of my garden. They are not so sweet as 
yours ; but then have they not been watered with tears ? 

" Milord, not a day passes, but that my heart expands at the 
thought of our castle in the air. Ah ! if he could only make the 
fourth of us, that worthy man whom Heaven has condemned to 
pay so dearly for his glory and never to know the happiness of life ! 
accept all my respect." 

" To the King of Prussia 

"30 Oct. 1762. 

" SIRE, 

" You are my protector and my benefactor, and I have a 
heart made for gratitude ; I wish to pay my debts to you, if I can. 

" You wish to give me bread ; is there none of your subjects who 
lacks it ? Take from my eyes that sword which dazzles me and wounds 
me ; it has but too well done its work, and the sceptre has been 
relinquished. For kings of your mould there is a great career, and 
you are yet far off the end of your time : yet time presses ; there 
is not a moment to lose in order to reach the end. 

" May I see Frederic, so just and so dreaded, cover his dominions 
with a numerous population, of which he is the father ! and I, J. J. 
Rousseau, the enemy of monarchs, will go and die at the foot of 
his throne." 

Milord MarechaVs reply 

" November 3rd, 1762. 

" I had hoped, with the help of Madame du Boufflers, to succeed 
in my negotiation ; but you are harder than Grimaldi, etc., and I do 
not yet allow that your reasons are sufficient. A little corn, wine, 


and wood in Switzerland would not influence the King's affairs in 
Silesia ; then you exclude me from taking part in the consequences 
of this negotiation in asking too long a time, for such is necessary 
to restore the King's dominions after peace to a condition in which 
the exhaustion caused by the war is no longer apparent. There is 
much to be done ; you might as well have laid upon me to beget 
children to repopulate his country, as to live till they were grown 
up, which must be done to revive his country ; if you had told me, 
' I have enough to live upon for two years ; when my capital has 
been exhausted, then I will accept the King's offer,' I should in all 
. probability have been able to serve you. 

" I will send the letter to the King. There is no reason to think 
that it will be seen by any one but him alone, as it is sealed, and I 
send it in an envelope to a merchant. 

" I thank you for the good, fine book ; we have a good edition of 
the ' Contrat Social ' here, published by Roy. 

They tell me that the cold at Metiers keeps you too much indoors. 
The chateau of Colombier is more my own than my house in Scotland, 
as I have the entail on Eremetulla ; you will certainly be more 
comfortable there than at Motiers ; why not put yourself there till 
we realize our other plan ? It is true that David Hume is not there, 
nor at Motiers either." 

"November 11, 1762. 

" You make me long more than ever for the return of the fine 
weather, because you promise me to return to Colombier ; mean- 
while, you must allow the master of the house to give his advice, 
which you will not follow. One cannot prevent people from talking ; 
but one gangs one's ain gait nevertheless. 

" I have had a cold, but not so bad as they told you. My room is 
sometimes too hot ; the servants throw wood unnecessarily into the 
stove in order not to have to come back again. When the room is too 
hot, I open the door into the gallery. I am old, thin, and I spent 
the greater part of my youth in Valentia in Spain, and that is a reason 
for feeling the cold of this country more than the inhabitants of 
this country do. The room in which I sleep is temperate ; the door 
which communicates with the one which has the stove in is always 

" If you are my friend, as I hope you are, I see nothing contrary 
to good manners or against the law in your telling me so. It seems 
to me that, to be a friend, one must have kindliness and esteem ; it 

wrnnlrl 1 


would be a burlesque to see two people produce their genealogy, to 
see if they were within the permitted degrees, as if it was a question 
of entering a Chapter of Canons as in Germany, my Turk, Ilbraham 
(before he had been spoilt by the Giaours), finished his letter, ' Je 
suis plus votre ami que jamais, Ilbraham.' I thought it much better 
than ' Le tres-humble, etc.,' which is generally put, and which is but 
a sort of paraphe before the name ; I shall, therefore, sign by telling 
you, like good Ilbraham, that I am more your friend than ever. 


" Peace between England, France and Spain, and Portugal was 
signed (that is to say the preliminaries) on the third ; agreement 
was reached on the second, on the second couriers were sent to stay 
hostilities, and, if the news is confirmed that we have beaten the 
Austrians in Saxony, we shall have peace this winter." 

" November 23rd, 1762. 

" They tell me you have a cold. I am uneasy as to your health in 
the sharp mountain air. 

" I have pleasure in telling you that your works are so much 
liked in England that ' Emile ' has been translated there, and that 
a second edition of this translation has already been made. I have 
no reply yet from good David ; I believe some inquisitive person has 
taken my letter en route." 

" P.S. I forgot to tell you in my letter that I have more than 
a thousand bottles of Spanish wine ; if you think it does you good 
ask for some, as I am your doctor, and certainly none so good will 
be found at the apothecary's at Metiers." 

" No, milord" Rousseau writes shortly afterwards, " I am neither 
in health or spirits ; but when I receive from you some mark of 
kind remembrance I am moved to tears, I forget my troubles : 
moreover, my heart is heavy, as I draw less encouragement from my 
philosopher than from your Spanish wine. 

" I do not know, milord, if you are still thinking of our castle in 
the air ; but I feel that this idea, if it is not carried out, will be the 
misfortune of my life . . . separated by insurmountable obstacles 
from the few friends I have left, I cannot live in peace save far from 
all other society. It is, I hope, an advantage I shall have in your 
country that, being unacquainted with any one, and not knowing the 


language of the country ... if I cannot live with you, I will live 
alone. But it is a far cry from here to Scotland, and I am not 
much in a condition to undertake such a long journey. As for 
Colombier, I could not think of it ; I would rather live in a town ; 
it is enough to make occasional trips there when I know I am not 
incommoding you. ... I ask your pardon for my familiar tone, 
milord ; I could not take another when my heart overflows. ... I 
adopt no formula, . . . yet could I have adopted one with you, 
milord, ... it would be that of the good Ilbrahim." 

From Milord Marechal 

" November 30th, 1762. 

"... I only sent you my plan as a castle in the air ; I am very 
old to go and settle in a land where my old friends are no more ; 
where I should have to receive every one ; and where I have not 
the resource which you have of being ignorant of the language. The 
worst of all is that my property is entailed, and at my death our 
republic would be overthrown ; if it were my own I would erect a 
Christian hermitage to the right, and a Mahomedan one to the left, 
and David Hume should be housed between the two. Nevertheless, 
I will tell you, without joking, that as I am as little pleased as I can be 
with the people here, I might go home. I love the country and the 
people ; I have a very good house, with everything in it ; I should not 
have to buy anything ; I have a gardener and others ; the climate is 
vile for an old Spaniard : no summer. One must wait for peace, which 
we have not got yet ; the English have got a rather foolish one, I 
think. I should have to ask for passports ; I do not wish to take 
that step ; the Court of France made me wait nearly a year before 
giving me one. There are plenty of obstacles ; at peace I am invited 
to Sans Souci ; I could become a hermit in the English or Chinese 
house, which is in a corner of the garden. There is another castle in 
the air. I do not know what will happen. Bon jour" 

Frederic replied through Milord to Rousseau's letter : 

" MEISSEN, November 26th, 1762. 

" I have received, my dear mylord, your letter and that of the 
savage philosopher. One must confess no one could go further 
in disinterestedness than he has done ; it is a great step towards 
virtue, if not virtue itself. He wishes me to make peace ; the good 



man does not know how difficult that is to arrive at, and, if he knew 
the politicians I have to deal with, he would find them more in- 
tractable than the philosophers with whom he has quarrelled. 

" We are going into winter quarters ; the campaign has happily 
come to an end. 

" You ask for my portrait ; I do not know, my dear mylord, if 
one exists. I send you a pleasanter face than my own, and which 
will give you greater pleasure ; it is only fair that I should give a 
snuff-box to him who supplies me with tobacco. You English give 
me plenty of snuff, and your dear countryman Bute is a funny fellow. 
Good-bye my dear mylord, rely upon my affection, for my heart is 
entirely yours." 

n 10 


AUGUST 1762 TO MARCH 1763 

PEACE was in the air. It had already been concluded 
between England and France, between Russia and 
England. All the summer long the Austrians had been 
beaten by Frederic, and their Empress-Queen was re- 
signing herself to the inevitable. 

But there was no peace at Neuchatel. Its Governor 
was perfectly aware that, since the recent victory of the 
body ecclesiastical over the royal authority, the fire of 
discontent, if not of actual rebellion, still glowed beneath 
the embers. 

The Government at Berlin did not act with sufficient 
firmness ; Frederic was too busy. In April Milord had 
asked to be allowed to retire, writing that it was " un- 
endurable to see the authority of the King so weakened 
in his dominions." Finkenstein tried to soothe Milord's 

On August 2nd, 1762, the latter had reported that 

" By far the greater number of the members of the Council of 
State are bad servants of the King, like George Montmollin, who 
declared at the Council that he was Councillor of State and not of 
the King." 

On September 24th he had reported again that 

" It must not be thought that all would be over when the Neu- 
obtained the removal of Pastor Petitpierre ; this success 


encouraged them in their scheme of total independence, and 
they will get it by means of the Council of State, and not of the King ; 
always they will abuse their power." 

On October 28th, 1762, the King sent a stern decree, 
with a postscript that the Governor was to inform the 
Four Ministers that " because of their audacious pro- 
ceedings they did not deserve the King's pardon. But, 
as he was convinced that the evil mind of the faction pre- 
dominated over the small number of his really faithful 
servants, the King leaves it to the Governor to make 
known this decree to the Council or not." The King 
thought that, after his condescension in giving way 
over the dismissal of Petitpierre, the authorities would 
pardon Chaillet and Ostervald, who were faithful to 
him. But, instead of restoring them to their rights of 
citizenship., the tithe of their vineyards was put up to 
public auction. 

Milord reported on November 10th, 1762, that 

" The magistrates of Neuchatel have had the impertinence to 
ask for even more humiliating proceedings on the part of the two 
Councillors, Chaillet and Ostervald. . . . The insolence is growing. 
The Baron d'Armin has been heard to say publicly, ' The King 
has no orders to give in this country.' Four years ago a man 
would have been killed at Valangin for saying that ; but in the town 
of Neuchatel this insolence towards the King continues." 

According to Milord's advice, in order to bring these 
sort of people to reason, a special commission would 
be necessary with the consent of Bern ; punishment of 
the guilty, the disbanding of the militia, or, at least, 
the cashiering of the officers ; limiting the claims of 
certain bodies to their proper bounds ; reducing half 
the numbers of the Council of State, etc." 

To Finkinstein he wrote on December 20th, 1762, 
that he had 


" Not given the King's decree to the Council because the words, 
' after our condescension in naming the Pastor Breguet to Chaux 
de Fonds, we expect that, according to the declaration of the 
bodies of the State, and out of gratitude, all the difficulties oc- 
casioned by this affair will be definitely settled,' would have been 
interpreted as a general amnesty for all attacks, acts of violence, and 
revolt which had been committed on the dismissal of Petitpierre." 

Further, that, as Finkenstein had written that 
nothing definite could be settled till general peace was 
made, it was best now only to apply temporary pal- 
liatives to restore order and loyalty. 

Anxious, as soon as his master's service allowed of 
it, to retire for good from Neuchatel and its worries, 
Milord Marechal was concerned at doing all he could 
for Jean Jacques before he left. 

"December 9, 1762. 

" Be assured that the good opinion I have of you extends also 
towards those in whom you are interested, and that at any time I 
shall do what I can for your housekeeper. If my property was not 
entailed, I would immediately make an arrangement to ease 
you on this point. I am at work for my own children : I have a 
legitimate daughter, Ermetulla, a natural son, Ilbraham, and two 
bastards, Motcho of Guinea, and Stepan the Calmuck. Their 
business settled (and it will be soon, I hope), I shall take on yours ; 
but I must live a year or two longer : this is a strong reason for 
remaining in this country in order to set aside something for my poor 
children. I note with regret that your health is shattered, and how 
little pleasure you have in this land. When you go to Zurich you will 
find fools and pretenders to bel esprit, the worst sort of fools ; the 
fame of your name will draw down upon you this accursed race, as 
wasps go for good fruit. I do not yet know if I shall go to Sans 
Soucie ; if I do go, I shall choose the month of May for going there, 
and the month of September for returning. We could go together 
as far as Zurich, and if you do not fancy your stay there I could bring 
you back. Anyhow, let us consult together as to the plan of my 
castles in the air. When the season is a little milder I intend to 
go and see you ; I have a coach, and you have not ; it will lie with 


you to use mine, if you are well enough to spend a few days at 
Colombier in building castles. 

" I intend to go, towards the end of the month, to Geneva to see 
the great men of position, my Lord Stanhope, his wife and his sister- 
in-law. Tell me if I can be of use to you in anything. Good-bye ; I 
am more your friend than ever. 

" M." 

" If we go together to Zurich I place myself under the protection 
of your friends, not be speechified, nor asked out to dine two de- 
testable things, I think. 

" I do not like to leave things to chance. I am writing to Mr. 
Martinet. I do not know if I can prevent the seal being put ; but 
I can certainly spare the expenses, that it will cost your gouvernante 
nothing, if any misfortune happens. 

" P.S. If your housekeeper has the misfortune to lose you, let 
her come to me ; and, if I am no longer in this world, let her come 
to Ermetulla. I have some money of yours (some corn, wine, and 
wood, which you would not have), etc. ; this little sum will be for her ; 
it is in a paper, ticketed from the King for M. Rousseau. Calm 
yourself ; keep from cold and from fever, and do not spare my good 
wine too much. Good-night. 

" P.S. of Postscript. 

" I have committed my lawyers. The Seal will not be put on. 
Without a will, written in your hand, your relations, if they wish to 
take your little estate, will have nothing." 

" 14th December. 

" I will with pleasure do what I can to serve you when I go to 
Geneva, which I shall do at the beginning of next month. ... I 
have not given up the castle in Spain or in Scotland; one is not 
harangued there, and there are many good things and good people. 

" I think my letters must be stopped ; I have had none for a long 
time. I want to write again to David Hume ; one of those I am 
going to see is indeed a man of letters, but I do not think him much 
in touch with the living, the chevalier Newton, etc., as those he 
consorts with. He could tell me nothing about publishers ; but he 
is so bon (bon in French is not enough, for often it is a term of abuse, 
to the shame of that language), so good a man, that he will find out 
how to set about the edition of your works ; if he approves of them, 
which I do not know ; for I do not know him as well as his wife and 


his sister-in-law. They are Scotch, and all Scotchmen and Scotch- 
women are my brothers and sisters ; I am a fool and a rascal not 
to go and live among them. Bon jour." 

In the New Year Frederic wrote to his old friend in 
the highest spirits ; at last his heart's desire had been 
fulfilled, and peace was actually being signed. 

" LEIPZIG, January 28th, 1763. 

" Your letter, my dear mylord, found me in the midst of great 
excitement. We are on the point of making peace ; the negotia- 
tions are being pushed on vigorously ; I wish to be neither a dupe 
nor a thief, but to make as good a peace as the circumstances in 
which I find myself will allow me. Thus plenty of cares and 
troubles, but anyhow I prefer them to those which the opening of 
a new campaign would curtail, too glad, after seven acts, to find the 
end of a bad play in which I have been an actor despite myself. 
Here is an issue which one would not have expected a year ago. I 
do not know if it will please your fellow-countryman, who, it appears 
to me, is preparing for himself a more tragic denouement by the 
way in which he is exercising his despotic power upon a free nation. 
But let him do as he likes, and let us return to what concerns us. I 
hope, therefore, my old friend, my dear mylord, that peace will 
bring me the comfort of seeing you again ; I think we shall sign 
next month, and that this great business will be satisfactorily ended. 
Picture to yourself a man who has long been buffeted by storms at 
sea, and who sights the coast where he wishes to land. That is 
exactly my case, and I rejoice so much over this happy prospect 
that sometimes I revoke it in doubt, but thank Heaven there is too 
much reality for fearing anything in the future. I hope by the 
month of April to be back by my penates and my domestic hearths, 
and pray fate that I may never leave them again for a similar 
reason ! Finally, my dear mylord, here is a great risk escaped, and 
the repose which every one so much needs is on the point of being 
re-established all over Europe. I am quite convinced that you 
participate in my joy, and that you share it with me. Good-bye, 
my dear mylord ; I will write to you directly I am rid of the great 
business which occupies me at present, and my toil begins to grow 
lighter. Busy or idle, I shall always be the same to you, that is to 
say, your faithful friend ; I hope you are sure of that." 


While waiting to be set free Milord busied himself by 
helping his friends. Colonel de Chaillet and Ostervald, 
disgusted with having been so humiliated by the Town 
Council on their return from exile, had resigned their 
positions as Councillors of State. Milord laid the 
matter before Finkenstein, writing that " Chaillet was 
a very honest man, but his boldness made him enemies ; 
and he would never have been allowed to do his duties 
as councillor in peace; therefore he resigned." Upon 
this explanation and on a hint from Berlin, the two 
victims of the Petitpierre war were reinstated. 

Next, Rousseau was in trouble over the business side 
of his literary work. 

" January 8, 1763. 

" Here, then, is your book become good, apparently because it has 
amended itself with age, as sometimes happens with young men. As 
for M. Fourmey, one must snap one's fingers at him ; he wished to 
practise Christian zeal (I have heard him preach) and maim your 
book, which will stand on its own feet in spite of him ; if he feels a wish 
to pilfer you, so much the worse for him. I do not even know who 
is the President of the Academy since Maupertuis, it should be to him 
that a complaint against Fourmey's proceedings should be addressed. 
The King must be at this moment overwhelmed (if he could be so) 
with business ; but, from my point of view, it is best to despise the 
small pilferings of those who are in need. 

" Let us talk business. I think that Jean Jaques will do what 
my relations, my friends, the natural love of one's country, and 
the comfort of being at home, have not been able to accomplish. 
The main point in life I consider to be a perfect reliance on people 
with whom one lives; I should have that with Jean Jaques and 
Ermetulla. We will meet when the weather is milder, and we will 
consult together ; I shall have got another clause to add to the 
former rules I proposed, that in the case of an invasion of country 
gentlemen, I might sometimes have a refuge in your impregnable 
fortress. Bon jour. 

" The folk here whom I thought I had predisposed to peace and 
on the high road to tranquillity, are still up to bad digressions ; they 
have just asked the Canton of Bern that the Canton gives them a copy 


of a letter which I wrote to that Canton by order of the King. N.B. 
They have the copy, but they want to give themselves the airs of 
sovereignty, and that the King of Prussia may not write without 
the leave of the Quatre Ministraux, and that the Canton shall give 
them an original copy. Let us leave the Fourmeys and the ministraux 
to maim books and govern the world, and let us fly to our castle 
with David Hume, whom we will appoint grand almoner. Bon 

A trip to Geneva to see his friends the Stanhopes 
gave Milord an opportunity to investigate for Rousseau 
how the feeling ran for or against him in his native city. 

" 13 February, 1763. 

" I returned from Geneva three days ago. I am very pleased with 
M. Moulton ; here is a letter from him. I believe you may reckon 
on his friendship, and on that of many others; I know you can 
always count on mine. I am told that the Parliament of Paris, 
having condemned your book and having its eye on what will be 
done about it at Geneva, they thought themselves obliged te 
defend it. I did not object to this convincing reason ; on the 
contrary, I complimented the ministry who spoke to me about it, on 
the conversion of the Eepublic, as the Parliament at Paris con- 
demns the doctrine of Calvin as well as the book of M. Rousseau. 

" In order not to mutilate the letter of the good David, I had it 
translated. It has been massacred ; I have corrected it a little ; you 
will understand what he means. I have not the time to do any better, 
being overwhelmed with letters which require a prompt reply." 

Milord wrote to Hume to endeavour to secure his 
help for Rousseau over his literary business. 

"Jean Jacques Rousseau, persecuted for having writ what he 
thinks good, or, rather, as some folks think, for having displeased 
persons in great power who attributed to him what he never meant, 
came here to seek retreat, which I readily granted, and the King of 
Prussia not only approved of my so doing, but gave me orders to 
furnish him his small necessarys, if he would accept them ; and 
tho' that King's philosophy be very different from that of Jean 
Jacques, yet he does not think that a man of an irreproachable life 

From the collection of A. M. Broadley. 

II. 152] 


is to be persecuted because his sentiments are singular ; he designs 
to build him a hermitage with a little garden, which I find he will 
not accept, nor perhaps the rest which I have not yet offered to 
him. He is gay in company, polite, and what the French call 
aimable, and gains ground dayly in the opinion of even the clergy 
here ; his enemys else where continue to persecute him, he is pelted 
with anonimous letters. This is not a country for him ; his attachment 
and love to his native Toune is a strong tye to its neighbourhood, 
the liberty of England, and the character of my good and honoured 

friend D. Hume F i D r (perhaps more singular than that of 

Jean Jacques, for I take him to be the only historian impartial) 

draws him to be near to the F i D r ; for my part, though it 

be to me a very great pleasure to converse with the honest savage, 
yet I advise him to go to England, where he will enjoy Placidam sub 
Ubertate quietem. He wishes to know if he can print all his works 
and make some profit, merely to live, from such an edition. I 
entreat you will let me know your thoughts on this, and if you can 
be of use to him in finding him a bookseller to undertake the work : 
you know he is not interested, and little will content him. If he 
goes to Brittain, he will be a treasure to you and you to him, and 
perhaps both to me (if I were not so old). 

" I have offered him lodgings at Keith Hall. I am ever, with the 
greatest regard, your most obedient servant, 

" M." 

Milord to Rousseau 

"20 February, 1763. 

"... I do not think that Canton of Bern will do anything 
against you ; on the contrary, I believe they regret what they have 
already done ; they allowed themselves to be led away without 
reflecting by the example of others. France, by means of small 
pensions and great promises, is gradually putting Switzerland under 
the yoke. ... I want to see you, when your health permits you ; 
if you would come I would go and spend some days tete-d-tete at 
Colombier; we would talk of our castles in Spain. My ancestral 
estates, which are large, are to be sold, they say ; that may decide 
me to go to Scotland, in order to have something to give away, for 
as for myself I have already *more than I require. I think our peace 
is certain; my inclinations and the kind invitations of the good 
Frederick attract me to Sans Soucie. You enter into all my plans 
as to the castle in the air. I feel it is madness to make plans at my 


age, but yet it is pleasant to have nice dreams ; we hardly do 
anything else all our life long. Bon jour" 

Milord to Rousseau 

"22 February, 1763. 

" I am thinking about what you tell me of your fellow citizens 
of Geneva, the greater number there are with you. It is of those 
who govern that you have reason to complain ; and these are 
dazed by France. I do not wish you to take a step which would 
reflect upon your fellow citizens who love you ; they would com- 
plain, and not without reason ; wait, reflect, take time. My friend- 
ship impells me to write as I do ; it is for you to judge if I am right. 
Bon soir" 

Milord to Rousseau 

" February 24, 1763. 

" The more I think of it and my friendship makes me often think 
the more I am confirmed in my opinion that you should not take 
a step which might offend your friends in your native Land. I have 
been proscribed for long years in mine, and a reward of 2,000 pounds 
sterling to who should take me. If I had given up my status as a 
Scotsman, I should not have been received in the country as I was, 
I should no longer have been in a position to claim the friendship 
of my fellow countrymen ; at this moment I do not think there is 
one who does not wish me well. The same thing will come to you 
in time, as you deserve and as I wish. Bon jour. 

" Tell me about your health." 

Milord to Rousseau 

" February 2Sth, 1763. 

" We must see each other to work at our castles ; one cannot say 
enough in writing ; the replies and the objections are lacking. 

" Your castle, the changing your name, will not do ; for you will 
never change in character or in mind ; the citizen of Geneva will 
soon be known. I see nothing better than for you to fortify your- 
self in a corner of Colombier; we will join forces, and I hope we 
shall be impregnable ; that is, if I do not go to Scotland, which may 
be ; it depends on the news I have from that country. Bon jour. 

" Peace was signed on February 15th ; the King gives back 
Saxony, but all that he possessed before the war is returned to him." 


To Finkenstein Milord wrote on the conclusion of 
peace : 

" God be praised that the King is quiet, and full of glory. There 
was never such a man, not even Julius Csesar. Everything will be 
done at Neufchatel to show joy." 

Milord to Rousseau 

" Uth March, 1763. 

" I agree that you are a man of simple character, but in mind 
you are a burning flame which can never be hidden. If I was not 
so old I should not be sorry to see you set about your plan of retreat ; 
first, they would begin by suspecting you of being a Turkish or 
Prussian spy, or a general of Jesuits ; then they would seize your 
person, to be sure who you were ; I (for I should have followed you 
and should have laughed over the silly talk about you), I would 
rescue you by declaring who you were and by demanding that you 
should be made over to me. You would see that Colombier was the 
more peaceful retreat, and we would barricade ourselves there against 
fools and speech-makers, etc. Bon jour. 

" I intend to go to Colombier about the 10th of the next month, 
and to Berlin at the beginning of May." 

Milord to Rousseau 

" March 19, 1763. 

" This world was made for Csesar," says Cato in the tragedy made 
by Rowe. All I know is, it was not made for my friend Jean 
Jacques, because it is not to be hoped for that he will become a 
trickster, panderer, etc. . . . There is only one country which would 
suit us perhaps more than another, and that is my own. I have just 
received a letter which lures me extremely to go among such people. 
The cold frightens me ; I do not know what I shall do. I shall be 
on the 10th April at Colombier; we will consult each other. Bon 

" We have illuminated, with inscriptions ; the finest is in a 
German newspaper : 

* The King of Prussia has remitted some years' taxation to his 
people who have suffered most ; he has had distributed amongst 
them 30,000 horses ; he has had given them 100,000 crowns in corn, 


with money to buy ploughs, etc., with ; he has declared his Prussian 
peasants who were serfs, free.' I defy the flattery of all the Acade- 
micians in the world to compose a finer inscription. I wish he had 
offered you corn, wine, etc., at this moment; you would have 
accepted it. This act will make him hated, nevertheless, it is a 
bad example." 

Jean Jacques wrote on March 21st, that 

" A sentence in your letter of the 19th gave me palpitations ; it 
was the one about Scotland. I will only say one word about it : it 
is that I would give half my remaining days to spend the rest with 
you. But as for Colombier, do not count upon me. I love you, 
milord ; but I must have a place I like to stay in, and I cannot bear 
that part of the country." 



AFTER the dismissal of Ferdinand Olivier Petitpierre, 
the Governor, partly by way, doubtless, of opposing 
the Classe, and partly, also, because he appreciated 
him, took into his favour Ferdinand's brother, Henri 
David, and had him transferred as pastor to Neu- 
chatel. Milord liked having Henri David about him. 
He had been many years in the British Isles, for the 
most part as pastor of a Swiss Reformed Church near 
Dublin, and, like all his brothers there were four of 
them, all pastors, sons of the Pastor of Ponts de Martel 
were men of intellect and learning, and connected 
with some of the best Neuchatel families. 

After the conversion of Ilbraham, Henry David took 
that of Ermetella in hand. He talked to her about 
Christianity " in a manner that made it pleasing to her." 
Milord was of opinion that people should die in the 
religion in which they were brought up. When speak- 
ing of " his good and faithful Tartars," he remarked : 
" My business is that they shall be happy and good in 
this world. ... I am very satisfied with my un- 
circumcised ; they could not serve me better had they 
the honour of being Christians." 

In a letter to Hume, a year later, Ernie tulla's guar- 
dian refers to her conversion : 

" You are somewhat mistaken as to her conversion ; it was made 
by a Swiss minister. I could not even adjust the preliminary articles 



of the treaty. She had in her own head, almost as a child, con- 
ceived doubt of living after she was dead. I was to prove to her the 
immortality of the soul. I did my best, without metaphysical 
reasoning, which I do not understand which she could not have 
understood which, I suspect, the metaphysicians themselves do 
not understand. My arguments pushed her somewhat, but carried 
no conviction. She had a great idea of my truth, and had found 
me knowing more than herself ; so she demanded if I was, to my 
certain knowledge, sure that we were to live after we were dead. I 
could not answer to her demand in so positive a way as I wished ; 
and so came to an end of my short mission. You, I fear, do me too 
much honour. I profess to maintain the articles of the Church 
jusque au feu exclusive, and shall never pretend to the honour of a 

When Ermetulla expressed a wish to become Chris- 
tian, Pastor Petitpierre was invited to pay a visit to 
Colombier in order to instruct her. He wrote to his 
exiled brother in London that he liked the Turkish lady, 
after his interviews with her, " that she possessed more 
ignorance than prejudice, and that her uprightness 
and good sense pleased him." Milord had had her 
carefully educated and long companionship with him 
was likely to produce these two best qualities. 

In January Ermetulla was baptized by Petitpierre 
in the old thirteenth- century collegiate church on the 
castle hill. He did not wish to have a large concourse 
for the ceremony ; only a few friends were present, and 
his catechumen, who took the name of Marie, asked him 
to tell no one. 

Not many weeks later the marriage was announced 
of Mademoiselle Ermetulla, as she continued to be 
called. Her age is uncertain. She may have been a 
child of six or a girl of twelve when she clung to the 
stirrup-leather of Marshal James Keith during the 
terrible sack of Oczakow in 1737. In any case, she 
must have been in 1763 between thirty and forty yean? 


of age, a somewhat late age for marriage in the mid- 
eighteenth century. But now that his brother was 
dead her aged guardian was loathe to leave her un- 
protected in the world. 

Colonel Denis David de Froment that winter passed 
through Neuchatel, and made a short stay there. He 
was an officer in the Sardinian service, of the Languedoc 
family of that name, and related to Paul de Froment, 
the second Prussian Governor of Neuchatel. He 
appears to have been a very attractive man, who in- 
sinuated himself speedily into the affection of Ermetulla, 
who was known to be richly dowered by Milord. The 
latter wrote to Rousseau that he believed him to be a 
" good, gallant man," and was satisfied with the match. 

The marriage took place very privately at the Island 
of St. Jean in the Lake of Bienne, near Neuchatel, and 
was performed by the Pastor of Ligueres and no an- 
nouncement of it was published. The dowry of the 
bride was five hundred thousand francs, and at Milord's 
death she was to inherit sixteen thousand louis. 

As the Earl Marischall was definitely leaving Neu- 
chatel very soon, he, doubtless, unfortunately, hurried 
on the marriage, though with the best intentions in the 
world, for he was devoted to his adopted daughter. 

Though very occupied with the wedding, Milord found 
a moment to further disabuse Rousseau of some of his 
eccentric predispositions against monarchs, and against 
the King of Prussia in particular. 

Milord to Rousseau 

" March 25, 1763. 

" Directly I go to Colombier I shall remind you of your promise. 
I do not know when I shall go ; I am busy marrying Emetulla with 
a good gallant man, as I believe. I shall be sorry to leave such a 
good girl alone in a world of knaves ; she needed some one bound to 
her by ties of interest. I shall not invite you to the wedding. 


"I feel sure that the King of Prussia knows mankind well enough 
to set a right value on eulogies and praises ; he cannot prevent men 
from praising him ; the peasants of Prussia will do so because he has 
made them free; your fellow citizens, in that he had by a treaty 
regulated the Customs affairs, and the Count Bruhl will not be able 
any longer to pillage the Customs. A person who has come from 
Geneva tells me that it is worth four millions for Geneva ; so they 
heartily praise the King of Prussia, and they are right. Bon jour" 

Milord to Rousseau 

" April 1763. 

" Now that my daughter Emetulla is settled, I am at work for 

He is arranging with a friend in Scotland to go there 
from Berlin in August and " reach home in the middle 
of September." He is considering Jean Jacques, as the 
latter, when he has left, may find himself in difficulties, 
" as anything that offends a Frenchman, were it even 
a laquay, frightens them " at Geneva. So he sends 
itineraries for London, but 

" As all the savants, all the demi-savants, all who fancy themselves 
bels-esprits, all the fools, all the inquisitive folk, would wish to see 
the Citizen of Geneva, I should like to have a camel with two 
paniers for you and your gouvernante, as the ladies travel in Persia, 
unless you would prefer to travel like an elephant I saw, by night, 
in order to conceal him from people who did not pay. Joking apart, 
come to Colombier, where I shall be at the end of next week, to 
unburden and avenge ourselves." 

Milord to Rousseau 

"21 April, 1763. 

" I am impatient to hear about the state of your health, and if it 
will permit of your coming here. I am leaving this in a week to-day. 

" I have a book, the ' letters of Queen Christine,' and a letter from 
M. de la Combe who has published them ; do you know him ? Bon 

" I have many things to tell you and to settle with you before I 


He was also anxious to see Hume, as the latter was, 
he heard, coming to France in the summer. The his- 
torian had been writing to Milord for information con- 
cerning the Jacobite history. 

Milord to Hume 

" 29^ Aprtie. 

" In answer to your question, the Don Quixotisme you mention 
never entered my head. I wish I could see you to answer honestly 
all your questions, for tho' I had my share of the follys with others, 
yet, as my intentions were at the bottom honest, I should open to 
you my whole budget, and lett you know many things which are 
perhaps not all represented ; I mean not truly. I remember to have 
recommended to your acquaintance Mr. Floyd, son to old David 
Floyd at St. Germains, as a man of good sense, honor, and honesty : 
I fear he is dead ; he would have been of great service to you in a 
part of your history since 1688. A propos of history, when you see 
Helvetius, tell him I desired you to enquire of him concerning a 
certain history. I fancy he will answer you with his usual frank- 

" I do believe M. Rousseau will find it impossible to live where 
he finds nobody who understands a word of what he says ; there 
occurs so often occasion, even of trifling things necessary, that it is 
a vexation not to understand the language of the country. I feel it 
often, though I understand many words of German, such as Kleigh 
nigh, nogh, ter migJi, ter Teyfel, and others, high sounding as here 
pronounced, and of which the Ter T under would, I believe, put to 
flight the delicate ears of the whole town of Sienne. 

" I hear you are going to France this summer. If you will come 
to Frankfort on Main, I will meet you there the end of July, and 
stay with you a fortnight. Bon jour. 

" N.B. You have better roads than I, you are strong as a giant, 
and I am growing ten years older every month ; so I think my 
offer fair." 

A sad letter from Potsdam now reached Milord from 
the King. Frederic was home again, and at peace; 
but it turned to Dead Sea ashes in his mouth. His 
country was in a terrible state of impoverishment ; its 

H 11 


population diminished by a million, famine and misery 
reigned in the country districts, the people were living 
on horses' forage. Death had not spared Frederic's 
own family and immediate circle of friends. Gone 
were some of the congenial cronies of the Abbey of Sans 
Souci, gone some of his " best heads," the men on whom 
he leant. Frederic felt lonely. Home was not the 
same as seven years ago, and he longed to have his 
old Milord Marechal back with him. 

" POTSDAM, 2th April, 1763. 

" I found on arriving here, my dear mylord, work for six months, 
and work which is hard, toilsome, and disagreeable. But one must 
put up with it. You give me hopes of seeing you, which I feel a 
great pleasure. I recognize here all the walls of my native land, 
but I no longer find my acquaintances ; so you will be a comfort 
to me here. I understand that the swallows will announce your 
return, and that the sun, stronger than it is now, will come with 
you. Will you kindly, before you leave, write to Rome ? I 
should like to be able to engage Battoni to come here into my 
service, but I must know what he asks and if he is moderate. Good- 
bye, my dear mylord ; business interrupts me, and every moment 
fresh comes in; be assured no one likes nor esteems you better 
than I do." 

Milord Marechal shook the dust of Neuchatel from 
off his feet. He started in May for Berlin, leaving 
behind him his private secretary, as old as he was, on 
whom he settled a pension. But after a little while 
the faithful servant, who had been a long time in his 
service, could not endure the separation from his " dear 
master/' and came back to Potsdam to die with him. 

From Bern Milord Marechal fired a final volley at 
" the wicked folk," as Voltaire put it. 

For he found, on arrival there, various misstatements 
current about himself which he hastened to refute to 
Colonel Chaillet, the principal one being that it was 


through his influence that Michel, whom the King had 
put in as deputy -governor during his absence in Spain 
and England, was to succeed him. The Neuchatelois 
seemed to have confused this officer with the English- 
man, Sir Andrew Mitchell, and to have imagined a 
motive for Milord's recommendation of Michel, who was 
unpopular with them. There was, however, never any 
question of the subordinate succeeding to the chief post. 

" BERN, May 2nd, 1763. 

" As I have learnt, Sir, of the complaint of your countrymen 
against me for having had Mr. Michel appointed to succeed me in my 
government, I will tell you what I know about it ; but, before going 
into the matter, I may tell you that it is to my praise (though not to 
theirs) to tell lies against me, it will be thought that it is for lack of 
real crimes that they fall back on false statements with the object 
of calumniating me. Let them talk ; do not contradict them ; time 
will do so. I wish there were no rascals in the world ; but, as there 
are, it is good that they should be unmasked. It is false that I 
recommended M. Michel as my successor ; I did not even give the 
least hint to the Court that I wished to leave my province, it is 
not in the least probable that the King, who has been so kind to 
me, has taken it away from me to give to another without telling 
me a word about it ; M. Michel wrote to me two or three months 
ago that he thought of retiring, and he asked me if there was any 
employment here (Bern) would suit him. He in no wise hinted that 
he was aiming at the governorship. I answered him that there was 
no employment which would suit me ; he thanked me for telling him. 
It is false that M. Michel rendered me a great service in getting my 
pardon in England ; the King of Prussia asked for it (with the eager- 
ness of friendship i those are his words). M. de Kniphausen was 
merely the bearer of the letter of His Majesty the King of England ; 
you know yourself that I was requested by the English minister 
to persuade the King to ask for my pardon, and that I would not 
speak to him about it at a time when he was too busy with great 
affairs for me to distract him for a moment about private affairs ; but 
suppose I did wish to do M. Michel a service (and I would do it 
with pleasure, as I believe him to be a gentleman and an honest 
man), certainly I should not advise him the governorship of the 
Neuchatelois as a pleasant retirement ; this quarrel that they are 


picking with me now about M. Michel confirms me in my opinion. 
Everything on this head is true ; if M. Michel, having heard among 
my relations and friends that they hoped that my family affairs 
would make me return amongst them, and that upon this that he 
thought about succeeding me, I am not responsible, but I do not 
see any probability that this was the case. Keep this letter ; let 
your fellow-countrymen tell lies as much as they please ; if they 
unmask themselves, so much the better. I shall never forget you, 
and some other honest folk of your country ; but, as a whole, I do not 
want to think about it again ; this last stricture, without advantage, 
without foundation, except the wish to lie to my detriment, is 
conclusive for me. Bon jour ; I embrace you heartily. 


" Do not shew my letter to any one for six months ; during that 
time the lie will be stale and stinking." 

We have seen how Frederic fondly imagined that in 
sending his friend to Neuchatel he was providing him 
with a post, remote from the turmoil of war, where he 
could end his days in peace and quiet. The King told 
d'Alembert that he considered " the government of 
Neuchatel exactly suited to the philosophical and 
peaceful character of Milord Marechal." 

But the latter was hardly the right man in the right 
place. If, in the abstract, he was a " republican Jaco- 
bite," by hereditary tendency he was a Tory. Further, 
the official and social environment of a life-time at the 
despotic courts of France and Spain, and even at that 
of Berlin, where Frederic's notions of liberty were 
theoretical rather than practical, had unsuited him to 
rule over a people, " republican in feeling and in all but 
name, and who, though attached to their King, were 
more so to their rights and their constitution." 

Though his kindly and benevolent disposition en- 
deared him personally to the people of Neuchatel, yet, 
when he came into opposition with their wishes, his 
Scottish obstinacy made itself felt. Wide-minded, and 


highly cultivated and deeply read, his very breadth of 
view made it impossible for him to understand how 
" an ecclesiastical body could amputate one of its limbs 
for resisting its order to discontinue the preaching of a 
dogma not examined by that body, and not in opposition 
to the Apostle's Creed, the only Confession of Faith of 
the Church of Neuchatel." Again, it passed his com- 
prehension that Councillors of State appointed by the 
King could be stripped of their civil rights, not for act- 
ing in contradiction to the Constitution, or to the Crown, 
but merely for publishing writings discussing that 
Constitution, and upholding the authority of the King. 

As a mass the people could not forgive him what 
seemed to them a narrow outlook, but some of the most 
highly-placed inhabitants were the loyal friends " of 
this excellent man, whose only foible was to abuse some- 
what the ' lamas/ and put them on a par with those of 
all other countries." 

Frederic did not accept Milord's actual resignation. 
He put in a Lieutenant-Governor, Michel, and Milord 
did not really retire till four years later, when his 
friend, Colonel David de Pury wrote, " As for our 
Governor, Milord MarechaL we shall long lament him." 



VERY soon after his return to Potsdam, Milord Marechal 
wrote to Rousseau : 

" May 2Qth, 1763. 

" I have received your two letters. You say very flattering things 
to me ; your friendship and your affectionate heart, which responds 
to the least thing one does to serve you, deceives you, I fear, a 
little with reference to myself. I still intend to execute our project, 
but till I am on the journey I cannot answer for myself, any more 
than Catullus to his mistress : 

" * Juravi quoties rediturum ad limina nunquam. 
Cum bene juravi, pes tamen ipse redit.' " 

Old Milord's memory played him false ; not only in 
his Latin, which we have corrected, but as to his author. 
The quotation is from Tibullus, an elegiac poet of 
Catullus J s period and style, Book II., Elegy vi. 

" In truth, I swear nothing. I am old ; I am good for nothing. 
My old shred of a body claims a retreat ; I must go and seek it ; that 
is decided. I will write to you when I start. ... I am lodged at 
the King's ; he spoke to me praising your disinterestedness ; he said 
that you had scolded him, but he said so without any sharpness. It 
was not his fault that peace was not made sooner, and it is to his 
moderation that it is due now. ... I have many messages to give you 
from the Duchess of Gotha, your friend and admirer. Bon soir. 

" Yesterday at dinner the King spoke of the distress he had often 
been in during the late war, and he does not praise himself in the 
least for his cleverness in extricating himself from straits in which 



the superiority of his enemies, the necessity of withstanding so many 
Powers, and sometimes fate, had placed him. He rather attributed 
his good fortune to the embarrassing orders of the Court of Vienna 
to its generals, which hindered them from employing moments 
precious during war. It was necessary to send couriers to Vienna, 
to await orders ; the opportunity had gone. Daun had a strong 
party against him ; Laudon, a foreigner, was obliged to use even more 
circumspection ; the Court of Vienna wished to spare its troops ; 
the generals knew that I was quite determined to sell my skin as dearly 
as possible, he said ; all that, with the want of unanimity with the 
Russian generals, has been my good fortune. To hear him, without 
knowing him, one would have taken him for a polite and sensible 
Austrian who was taking Daun and Laudon' s part ; he praised the 
military talents and the valour of the Austrians ; he praised the 
valour of the French officers, and only found fault with their dis- 
cipline. I admired his modesty and moderation in making peace 
for if he had made another campaign the Empress Queen would 
have had 80,000 Tartars, and a strong army of Janissaries and of 
Spahis in her dominions. The dinner lasted nearly four hours, and 
there was only at table the King, one other and your servant ; not a 
single word escaped him in his own praise or to glorify himself, not 
a single complaint ; no resentment, no bitterness against one of his 
enemies ; you might have thought that a sensible and judicious 
man was arguing over some war of a thousand years ago. ... In 
offering me an apartment in his chateau, he told me that it was 
ready, but that I was not to put myself out ; his kindnesses are so 
easy, and not embarrassing, which makes them so much the more 
captivating; that is why I feel my weakness, and why I cannot 
answer for myself any more than Catullus to his mistress. 

" ' Pes tamen ipse redit.' 

" Nevertheless, you will hold me in Scotland. You have no other 
hold over me than the feebleness of my feet, which cannot carry me 
off. I wish yours will be strengthened for the voyage, and I wish 
to embrace you in as good health as we can hope for. Bon soir." 

At the same time Milord also wrote to Colonel 

" POTSDAM, 28 May, 1763. 

" It is certain, Monsieur, that I shall always regret you, and shall 
retain for you an inviolable friendship. I have not yet sent in my 


resignation, but I have told the King that I cannot put up any 
longer with your fellow-countrymen. I will not meddle any more 
in their affairs, either for good or for evil. I shall not advise him 
to send a wicked man in my place ; but I cannot, in conscience, 
advise an honest man to go there, being firmly convinced that he 
would have neither peace nor quiet. Their refusal of having accepted 
the Advocate-General's wager of 200 louis shows that they know 
they were lying. Thank M. Godot for this proof of his friendship 
towards me. After all that has passed, put your hand on your heart 
and tell me if you had your goods and chattels, your relations, and 
your native land elsewhere, if you would leave everything to go and 
live with the Neuchatelois ; or, if you had a nice lodging at the King's, 
with excellent pilaw, polenta made by a Genoese cook, etc., with good 
Hungarian wine, splendid Spanish wine, if you would not prefer 
it to the famous Jardin [the Garden Club, founded in 1759, pre- 
sided over by the Banneret (F. S. Ostervald) and Perregaux.] . . . 
The King is well pleased with the English people, but not with 
Mylord Bute ; and how could he be ? The English Minister was 
pressing the Czar not to withdraw his troops from the Austrian army 
in order to force the King to make peace according to the Empress's 
wishes, and advised him to renew his old alliances natural to Russia ; 
the indignant Czar sent the letter to the King. All the above is 
the exact truth. Shew this letter to Madame Sandoz and a few 
others, but do not give a copy of it ; my writing has already been 
forged, and this letter will be forged. Good-night ; I embrace you 
with sincere affection." 

But, though intensely interested and pleased to be 
once more in Frederic's intimacy, old Milord's thoughts 
turned longingly to his native land, to his new inheri- 
tance, and to a quiet retreat for the rest of his days, 
with the friendship and intercourse with kindred spirits. 
He began, too, to take an interest in his old neighbour- 
hood, and had appointed, upon Sir Andrew Mitchell's 
recommendation, a new minister to Inverurie. Then 
there were business affairs to be settled. 

To Rousseau he writes : 


" BERLIN, June 11, 1763. 

"... I intend to start for our hermitages about the 20th of July. 
We will leave Messieurs les Neuchatelois in a perfect oblivion, except 
a few ; they hate you because I love you, and you have defended 
yourself against a Bishop of Paris, Capital of France ; these are two 
enormous crimes. 

" In my last I told you of a conversation I had with the King 
at table. As yet he is only known by his battles, for these he is well 
known by the Austrians, and a little too by the French. People like 
to make him out rough and severe ; I, I think him too gentle. He 
will not have any one hanged ; his dominions have been horribly 
defrauded during his absence ; monopolies have been made of every- 
thing, especially of firewood and corn. When the peasants took corn 
to Berlin to sell the governors threatened to have it thrown into the 
river, and had the peasantry and their corn driven away ; by this 
means they made it and the wood rise to an exorbitant price, and 
caused people to die of hunger and cold. They ought to have been 
hanged ; the King contented himself with removing them from 
their posts ; as if it was a sufficient punishment to mulct an official 
of 1,000 crowns, or of 1,500 a rascal who had stolen 300,000." 

" BERLIN, 15 June, 1763. 

" You will receive with this some newspapers ; the author has 
stuck in a preamble of his own, which I do not think is true. Lying 
is an epidemic which is only to be cured by two means : one (which 
would be too severe) is by a universal deluge ; the other, good, and 
which we will adopt, a retreat to our hermitage in Scotland. 

" I had a battle with a lady, a friend of mine, yesterday at the 
Queen's table ; each of the opponents was wrong, and we were 
both right. You were the cause of this quarrel ; the good lady is 
perhaps 80 ; the events of the last forty years seem quite recent 
to her. She was very angry with that wicked M. Rousseau, but at 
last I disillusioned her, that you were not he who died many years 
ago, whom I gave over to her anger. Good day. 

"... I hope to leave here about the 20th of this next month to 
arrive before the cold. 

" Extract from an English newspaper : 

" ' Lord Marischall has persuaded the famous M. Rousseau to 
go to Scotland with him.' 

"You are expected; but, as you have the advantage of not 
knowing the language, you will not be bothered, and moreover 


when you arrive you will find good locks to your room. Do you 
like stoves ? They are unknown in Scotland. I want one for 
myself, and one for you if you wish it." 

" SANS SOUCIE, 24 June, 1763. 

" My business is settled. I have asked and taken my leave to go 
to our hermitage ; I expect to be there during August. It will be very 
pleasant for me, and comfortable for you, if you can at once start 
for Basle, and embark on the Rhine ; in 8 days from Basle you will 
be in Holland. I expect to be there myself on August 1st, but I 
will stop with great pleasure to await you. I think you can set 
out in safety. Mr. d'Alembert has confirmed what I already 
believed, that the Parliament having dealt vigourously against the 
Jesuits, attacked you that it might not be said that they were lacking 
in zeal for religion. He also told me that poor Christopher is hooted 
everywhere, and that the Bishops have had such a good lesson over 
it that he does not think that they will set about giving such man- 
dates again. I must do him justice ; he speaks of you in a friendly 
manner, and with the greatest respect. I need not tell you of my 
feeling for you, with whom I am about to shut myself up for the 
rest of my days. Bon soir." 

Neither did Milord forget other friends at Neuchatel. 
Frederic William de Montmollin, Chaplain to His 
Majesty and Minister of his Court, of whom more anon, 
had applied, shortly before the Governor's departure, for 
the cure of Metiers and the pension of 100 crowns re- 
ceived by the late pastor. In forwarding the applica- 
tion, His Excellency recalls how, before he left, he had 
recommended Abram de Pury as Councillor of State in 
place of Chaillet, resigned. For Pury had exhibited 
loyalty to the King, and possessed talent and know- 
ledge. Then Meuron, the Attorney-General, wished to 
be ennobled by the King. His Excellency considered 
that he " had the best head and was the cleverest man 
in the country ; moreover, the King's zealous servant." 
The Governor considered " that it was to the King's 


great interest that he should show favour to the small 
number of his devoted servants." 

Milord to Finkenstein 

"28th June, 1763. 

" Their Excellencies (the Ministers) are at a loss to find a person 
at Neuchatel who deserves the King's favours* because you do not 
know the country ; I am in the same plight, because I know it. M. 
de Montmollin, who has been a ringleader of the disaffected, certainly 
does not deserve the King's favours. According to my opinion, 
Petitpierre, called the Irishman, a, good subject of the King and a 
man who deserves it might have kept the pension and the Pastor 
at Ponts, who also deserves it, needs the other. . . . But if it is 
not to be given to the pastors, then to M. Chaillet, to shew that he 
knows how to reward fidelity." 

De Montmollin did not receive the pension ; hence 
trouble later on. 

Further, the Earl Marischall considered Ermetulla, 
commending her to the care of Frederic, and settling 
on her 2,100 crowns, charged on the unentailed estates 
in Scotland. The de Froments had been left behind 
at Colombier, where they wished to reside. 

Milord wrote to Finkenstein at the end of June : 

" The Ex-governor of Neuchatel begs the minister to give Madame 
de Froment, formerly Mademoiselle Emet Ulla, who already has the 
first floor of the chateau of Colombier, and the orchard, also the 
first floor and the garden. . . . For all this has cost the King no- 
thing. I have had all the wood- work repaired, have had stoves, 
ceilings, and mantle pieces put in, and that at my own expense. I 
have spent over it nearly 300 crowns. Mde la Captaine de Froment 
would also like to lodge in the apartments of the widow Tribolet, 
after her death. For this apartment is of no use to the Governor, as 
it does not communicate with his lodgings." 

The King gave Mde. de Froment the increase of apart- 
ments, but took away from her the stable and coach- 


house,, as they were not expressly described in the 
Rescript. " People are cavillers in that country/' 
wrote Milord Marechal, " and perhaps also with a view 
to annoying me and also to show their insolence to all 
those who are attached to the King." However, in 
December Madame de Froment got her coach-house 
and stable for life. 

On the eve of starting we find the Earl Marischall 
writing further plans and instructions to Rousseau, as 
to following him : 

" July 5, 1763, SANS SOUCIB. 

"... I am preparing to start in eight or 10 days, and I hope 
your health will allow you to undertake the journey ; the month 
of October is generally good in Scotland ; once you are at Basle all the 
route is easy. If I arrive before you, as is very likely, your hermit- 
age will be quite prepared for you ; that is easy ; the house have much 
more furniture than we two require. Have a passport given you by 
the Senior of the Council of State, and put N euchatelois , or Subject 
of the King of Prussia, though I think you will not be asked for one 
en route. It is Parliament which was after you in order to make 
zealous disciples, and not the Court ; you will not pass through any 
places of resort of the Parliament of Paris. When we are once 
in our hermitage we shall live according to our own laws, without 
offending the Public ones, made for the Public. I wish we were 
there already; I have a damnable route from here to Holland. 
Good bye ; I embrace you with all my heart." 



THOUGH the Earl Marischall had now succeeded to the 
Kintore property, it was strictly entailed and he could 
raise nothing on it. However, the Act of Parliament 
passed subsequently to his pardon gave him, as we have 
seen, a benefaction from George II, " not much/' he 
said, " but enough to live on/' He now proposed to 
use this for buying back some of his own estates again, 
not so much for what they would bring in, as out of 
sentiment. These he would charge for Madame, de 
Froment. These affairs therefore necessitated his 
presence in Scotland. 

Early in August the Milord Marechal left Berlin. 
D'Alembert, paying his brief visit to Frederic, was pre- 
sent at the pathetic parting between the war-worn King, 
already der qlte Fritz, though only fifty, and his vener- 
able friend, nearly thirty years his senior. 

With tears in their eyes they embraced each other. 
" Remember," were Frederic's parting words, " that, if 
you are not happy in Scotland, you have a friend 
here, who will always miss you, whose longing you can 
always satisfy at your pleasure." 

Milord immediately notified his arrival in London to 
Frederic : 

" LONDON, August Uth, 1763. 

" SIRE, I arrived here after a disagreeable and even difficult 
journey, because of the rain ; that is over, but I worry myself by 



thinking still of these same difficulties, for though I have never 
ventured to reply to your kindness in bidding me return, in con- 
sequence of my advanced age, I do not forego the secret hope. My 
heart is full of gratitude to you for your benefits, and shall be all 
my life with the deepest respect, Your Majesty's very humble, very 
obedient, and very faithful servant. 


In a postscript he returns thanks for the King's 
favour to Madame de Froment about her apartments 
at Colombier. 

" Permit me to thank, very humbly, Your Majesty for his kindness 
towards a respectable Musselman woman, whom I, unworthy, have 
dragged from the claws of Satan." 

Frederic hastened to reply : 

" SANS Souci, 4th September, 1763. 

" I am very glad, my dear mylord, to know that you have arrived 
safely in London, and I hope you will also arrive safely in your 
mountains, and that you will find all the comforts you so richly 
deserve. They say Jean Jacques will not follow you, so that the 
Scotch will not see the Helvetian savage; they will not be much to be 
pitied, and M. Hume will make up a hundredfold for all you might 
lose in the society of Jean Jacques. M. d'Alembert has left ; he is 
going to undertake a long journey. He wishes to traverse the 
beauties of Italy, ancient and modern ; I should like to make the 
excursion, if the goat was not obliged to graze where it is tethered. 
Good-bye, my dear mylord ; the hope you give me of seeing you 
again consoles me for your absence, and I hope that before I die I 
may have the pleasure of embracing you." 

Pastor Petitpierre of Neuchatel, called " the Irish- 
man/' from his long residence in Ireland, wrote to his 
exiled brother at London soon after Milord left Berlin : 

" You say nothing of Milord Marechal. I suppose you did not 
see him this summer, when in passing from Berlin to Scotland he was 
in London. You ought to have seen him, told him your misfortune, 


and thanked him for the letters he had given you ; it was not his 
fault that you did not get any good out of them. . . ." 

Ferdinand Olivier Petitpierre has gone to England 
after his dismissal, armed with letters of introduction 
given him by Milord to Lord Cathcart, among others. 
Unfortunately, lie dropped them out of his pocket, to- 
gether with his letter of credit ! 

" They say he has asked the King at Berlin for his final dismissal, 
and has declared more than once that he will have no more to do 
with the affairs of this country. But the Court notifies us of no- 
thing, and does not give us a successor. . . . The last thing Milord 
did at Berlin for this country was to have M. Pury, Mayor of La Cote, 
brother-in-law of your friend Ostervald, appointed State Councillor." 

The Earl Marischall went quickly up to Edinburgh, 
where he stayed with his friend of the old Boulogne days 
in 1744. Charles Smith had been the Jacobite agent 
when in business there, but had returned to Scotland 
with his family. 

He had married the sister of Sir Hugh Paterson, of 
Bannockburn, whose other sister was the mother of 
Clementine Walkinshaw. 

Charles's son, Hugh Smith, had married Elizabeth 
Seton, the heiress of Touch, near Stirling, daughter of 
James Seton of Touch, heritable armour-bearer and 
squire of the Royal Bodyguard of Scotland. 

After the lapse of nearly half a century the Earl 
Marischall found himself once more in his native capital. 
The city fathers 

" Remembering what his ancestors had done for their country," 
writes a contemporary, " and also in order to honour an individual so 
distinguished a person, and also in memory of his heroic Mother, 
enobled the Earl Marischall as a freeman of Edinburgh, and wherever 
His Lordship went his presence difused such a joy as might naturally 


be expected on the appearance of so worthy a representative of so 
illustrious and ancient a family." 

The EarFs letters both to Ermetulla and Eousseau 
show the welcome, almost too warm, which he received 
in Edinburgh, and belie the statements of Bishop 
Forbes and his correspondent who circulated the story 
of the cracked bell. 

" To Madame de Froment (d Neuchdtal) 

"EDINBURGH, 23rd August, 1763. 

" MY DEAR PANNA, Here I am at Mr. and Mrs. Smith's ; in a few 
days I am going home. I can say nothing about my business ; they 
give me good hopes of it, but till it is finished I do not count on 
anything ; it will be the month of November before I know where 
I am about it. I have not a moment to myself except this one 
that I steal at present to send you a few words before the others are 
up. So many visits, so many dinners, that I am almost over- 
whelmed by them. Send this note to M r Rousseau. Good-bye, 
I embrace you tenderly. 

" It is with the greatest pleasure that I see you are still faithful 
to the good resolution of occupying your hermitage that I am going 
to get ready for you in a few days. David, in spite of himself, has 
allowed himself to be dragged to France ; he wept about it like a 
calf. He has broken his word, and we shall not get over it for a long 

" I am overwhelmed with visits and dinners. I hope this storm 
will not last, and that a calm will ensue, and that I shall have the 
great pleasure of walking with you round our hermitage. 

" You have done well not to come till the spring ; the storm will be 
over, the locks affixed, and I shall have found out the bye-paths and 
the little woods of our retreat in case of need. 

" Kind remembrances to M r de Froment, to Mde Landon, and Mile 
Morel, etc. Excuse this little note, which I add to a still smaller one 
to Mde de Froment. I have had great difficulty in stealing a moment 
to write a few words." 

Five days later he wrote to Rousseau again : 


" EDINBURGH, August 29, 1763. 

" With much pleasure I have received yours of the 8th, and I 
thank you for having given me some directions as to settling you in 
our colony, where I am going to settle myself. I start to-morrow ; 
but I shall be obliged to return in the beginning of November for 

" I am being killed here with dinners, which are too late and too 
long ; I must find out a way to get out of them, or I must desert. It 
is fair to live a little for oneself. One had better be a cabbage planted 
in a garden than to live entirely for others ; the cabbage has the 
advantage of not wishing for anything else than the juices of the 
earth which it receives. We must take steps to live together 
without a crowd, without people bothering one ; Bread and Peace, 
as Guy Patin says. We must consult our wishes I fancy they are 
alike and arrange to suit them. Your little requisitions give me 
great pleasure ; with all the good- will in the world, one cannot settle 
oneself without saying naturally what one desires. In the course 
of November I shall know where I am in my affairs ; till then I shall 
be unable to make decisive and permanent arrangements, which I 
shall not fail to communicate to you. 

" I wrote to you from London that the good David has under- 
taken the negotiations with Mde de Boufflers, which I am very glad 
of, being sure that she wishes to renew the correspondence with you 
which has been discontinued for some time." 

Edinburgh, at that day, was nothing if not convivial. 
But there was intellectual society also, and the Earl 
Marischall enjoyed that of Lords Somerville and Hailes, 
of Dr. Blair, Robertson, and Jupiter Carlyle, among 

In September, after visits to the Setons at Touch and 

to Lord Auchinleck in Ayrshire, he went north to 

Aberdeenshire and took up his residence at Keith Hall, 

left him by the Earl of Kintore, fully furnished. The 

estate, of some twenty thousand acres, lies in the 

strath where the Don and the Urie join. The house, 

standing in beautiful grounds, was originally a fine 

specimen of the Z plan of a twelfth- century fortified 

dwelling- house, with a square tower at the two diagon- 



ally opposite angles of the building. Formerly called 
Caskieburn, it was bought in 1662 by Sir John Keith, 
third son of the sixth Earl Marischall, from the family 
of Johnston. He was created in 1677 Earl of Kintore. 
About 1700 a front and an east wing were added, which 
entirely altered the Z plan. 

Almost immediately on arriving at Keith Hall, at 
last back again in his own country, in the fine old 
castle, dreamed of in far-off Valentian days, and so 
often talked over in the Jura valleys, Milord Marechal 
wrote of! to Jean Jacques to persuade him to join him. 

He was ill, feeling the change of climate ; life at 
Edinburgh had been almost too much for him, unused 
as he now was to excitement and society. Now, once 
more back in peace and quiet in the country, he longed 
for the society of one or two congenial intimates. 

" KEITH HALL, 14 September, 1763. 

" Here I am in our hermitage, well lodged that is to say, com- 
fortably and warmly. I do not know the house yet, but it seems to 
me that you can perch here to your taste ; there are secret stairs, 
trees, a river, and plenty of vegetables in the kitchen garden. I 
cannot yet say anything about the way of life here, and of neigh- 
bours, on which the comfort of life principally depends; I must 
have time to judge. I have my doubts about it ; he who was 
promised me as a good acquaintance (our David said so) has written 
against David, who is without guile ; that reveals to me a fashion- 
able bigotry, and which will be very embarrassing for me, not for 
you, who have the luck not to know the language. But, however, I 
have time to find out, and I will tell you frankly what I think (and 
to you alone) ; I had almost rather be in prison as to my body than 
to be in prison as to my mind, and in a perpetual constraint. We 
must have bread and peace ; we shall find it together, and Sacram 
Libertatim. I am only here for six weeks about ; I must then go to 
Edinburgh at the beginning of November. I expect to be back at 
the beginning of February, and to find out life here neighbours, 
general opinions, in fact the lie of the country, as it could affect our 
savage republic. I see the good David is looked upon as a monster 


by many people ; I think that was what determined him to go to 
France with the English ambassador, for I know he refused ad- 
vantageous offers to remain in London. You know truly what I 
shall think; we want to live free, and we shall do it either here or 
elsewhere. Meantime stay where you are ; let us speak heart to heart 
in our usual way, and act in concert. This climate alarms me ; old 
age, and my long stay in Spain have given me a constitution which 
demands sunshine. England is a good country for you, not for me ; 
I have too many acquaintances. For me there are two countries : 
Venice and Portmahon. In the first liberty and fetes ; in the second 
Liberty and the finest climate in the world. It was M. d'Argens who 
put this latter place into my head ; there, he said, he wished to retire, 
and snap his fingers at the Holy Father, the Holy Inquisition, and 

the Holy B ; these are his words, not mine. Do not be 

alarmed at my first doubts ; perhaps I shall find things better than 
I fear ; I will settle for any event. Bon jour. I embrace you with 
all my heart." 

When the weather grew bad and the days short the 
Earl Marischall came to Edinburgh for the winter, to 
see to his affairs. He paid a visit to the Setons at 
Touch en route. Hugh Seton appears to have managed 
much of his money affairs in Scotland. The Earl 
Marischall seems to have embarked in a little specula- 
tion. For 

" The Baronets of Nova Scotia banded themselves to furnish 
2,000 marks Scotch each for buying a ship for the settlement of the 
Plantations of New Scotland and carrying out men there. Lord 
Marischall took part in the enterprise. Sir Robert Gordon wrote 
to ask him to advance his share. There was an agreement to share 
the profits fairly among all." 

The Earl Marischall wrote from Touch, October 28th, 
1763, to Hume : 

" I am very glad to hear from yourself, that you are well, and am 
obliged to you for receiving the snuff to be carried to Paris for the 
Duke of Gadagne. The Countess de Marsan, sister to Prince 
Soubise, will call for it, and save you further trouble. I am glad 


peace is made. The honest savage has a most sensible heart, and 
Madame de Bouffler's pouting was heavy on him. I believe, as you, 
that his health would not allow him to come to Keithhall. Mine 
is totally (not ruined) but deranged, since I am in Scotland. 

" Your advice of creeping nearer to the sun, is most agreable to 
an old Spaniard, and a sort of a Guebre by religion ; but 600 a-year 
will not do in London, neither in Paris, tho better there than in 
London. In Paris etant deja reconnu pour hibou, je pourrois 
ais6ment meriter ausi le titre de loup. Alors je serois en repos et 
je ne verrois que ceux qui me plairoient. C'est terrible a ma cam- 
pagne d'etre oblige de recevoir des visites sans relache : et bien de 
ces gens dont Allistus pourroit dire, Id genus demoniorum non 
ejicitur nisi jejunis. M. D'Alembert vous expliquera ceci ; et pour 
vous dire la verite, je conte par jejunio vini me debarrasser de 
plusieurs. II y a une autre incommodite dans notre pays la 
bigoterie ; et je crois aussi un peu d'hypocrisie. M. D'Alembert 
dit un jour a Sans Souci fort plaisamment et justement qu'en Alle- 
magne on crie encore varda (qui va la) a la raison. Dans le nord 
d'Ecosse on ne crieroit pas varda a la pauvrette si on la voyait on 
commenceroit par lui jetter une pierre a la tete. Quand j'ai passe 
par Aberdeen, les Eglises retentissoient des anathemes contre ceux 
qui retireroient leurs lettres de la poste le Dimanche. M. Campbell 
(Principal of Marischall College, and author of " Treatise on Mir- 
acles ") etoit un des plus zeles predicateurs. Je comprens bien que 
ces messieurs sont bien aises d'etre souverains absolus d'une septieme 
partee de 1'annee, mais cela n'est pas si plaisant a moi, dont la 
vocation veritable etoit d'etre Calmuck Tartar. C'est a dire, 
aussi sauvage, mais moins solitaire que mon ami Jean Jacques. 
Voila mes griefs ; peu de sante de corps, et peu d'agrements d' esprit, 
parce que je serois trop gene par nos Lamas. De 1'autre cote il est 
doux et flatteur de vivre dans un pays ou j'ai raison de croire que 
tout le monde me souhaite du bien, ce qui n'empeche pas que je ne 
m'emmie. J'ai de la peine de me degager de mes compatriotes ; 
et puis a mon age vaut-il la peine ? Ou aller ? Londres et Paris 
sont trop chers, les heures de Londres ne vont point a ma sante. 
Voici trois endroits qui conviendroient a ma bourse Porte Mahon, 
bourse et climat, liberte, la societe pourroit me manquer. Venise 
bourse, liberte, climat, a peu pres, la gondole delicieuse pour 
les vieux infirmes, mais le voyage est bien long. Reste une 
troisiine retraite, chez le bon Pere Gardien de Sans Souci. Mais 
elle n'est pas assez retraite pour ma vieillesse. Ma memoire me 


manque, 1' imagination s'affoiblit encore plus. Je sais bien par 
mainte docte demonstration de savants metaphysiciens, que notre 
ame immortelle est toujours de meme. Je le sais encore mieux, 
comme bon chretien par la foi ; mais je ne le sens pas physiquement 
par les effets. Les Cours demandent des jeunes gens. II en faut 
faire a la reine, aux princesses, et au princes. Cependant mon 
attachement au Pere Gardien m' attire puissamment vers lui. Je 
voudrois bien etre a portee de vous consulter de bouche. Je ne 
crois pas avoir jamais connu un homme aussi degage de prejuges. 
Je voudrois aussi consulter M. D'Alembert, quoique je sache d'avance 
qu'il me conseilleroit d'aller au Pere Gardien. Dans ce pays, je 
n'ose parler a personne, ils se mettroient tous contre moi. II faut 
que j'attende la vente d'une de mes terres ; et 1'ete qui vient je 
prendrai mon parti. Soit d'avancer vers le soleil and free thinking, 
ou de rester pour me faire enterrer parmi mes ancetres, plaisir 
solide, et encore plus durable. Ecrivez-moi je vous prie, et parlez 
aussi a M r D'Alembert. Je conte sur 1'amitie de 1'un et de 1'autre, 
et je suis a peu pres comme Panurge quand il voulut se marier, 
tres indecis, ou pour mieux dire tire fortement des deux cotes. 
Bon jour. Je vous embrasse de tout mon cceur, et suis pour la vie 
votre serviteur." 

Hume wrote shortly afterwards to his Edinburgh 
friend, Professor Fergusson : 

" I have had a letter from Lord Marischall to-day, who tells me 
that he is to pass the winter at Edinburgh. Wait on him often ; 
you will like him extremely. Carry all our friends to him and 
endeavour to make him pass his time as agreeably as possible." 

To his tenant, Dr. Blair, at Edinburgh, he also en- 
thusiastically commended the Earl Marischall : 

" Pray do you not all pay your court to the Lord Marischall ? Do 
you imagine you ever saw so excellent a man ? or that you have 
any chance of seeing his equal if he were gone ? " 



SOON after the Earl Marischall's arrival in Scotland an 
opportunity offered for him to buy back some of his 
ancestral property from the York Building Company, 
now in liquidation. 

A Commission of Inquiry, appointed to investigate 
the affairs of the insolvent company, ordered the sale 
of part of the forfeited estates which it had bought up 
some forty years before. So on February 20th the 
estates of the Earl of Panmure, the Earl of Southesk, 
Lord Pitcairn, and the Earl Marischall 

" Were put up to roup [public auction] at the Parliament House, 
Edinburgh, before Lord Auchenlick. The House was crowded. The 
Earl of Panmure, and Marischall, and Carnegie of Pitcairn, heir 
of Southesque, attended in person with friends, each purchased 
at upset price, what had been theirs ; no one bid against him." 

The Earl Marischall bought Fetteresso and Dun- 
ottar, Langside, St. Fergus, in which was the Castle 
of Inverugie, and some lands in Aberdeenshire and 
Banff, and probably the Marischall town house in Aber- 
deen. When the properties were knocked down to 
him there was a great scene of acclamation from the 
crowded galleries, " cheering like men mad with joy," 
that a Keith had come to his own again. 

The Earl Marischall, when the deed was put before 



him, stipulated, before he signed it, that the creditors 
of the York Building Company should first be paid up. 
To Hume the old man wrote joyfully : 

" I thank you for forwarding me my cousin's letter. I wish, now 
that I am Laird of Inverury, that he were my son, and of my name. 
I bought my estates farthest north. There was no bidder against 
any-one, and good applause of the spectators." 

But the climate of Scotland in the winter began to 
tell upon " the old Valentian." At the new year he had 
written to Hume : 

"4th January, 1764. 

" You made me begin happily my new year by yours, with the 
obliging remembrance of Mdme de Boufflers and M r d'Alembert, 
which I received first at my getting out of bed. I should certainly 
be happy to be able to live in such agreeable society, but my 
finances will not answer. My attachment to the Pere Gardien is 
strong. D'Alembert pressed my stay with him ; if he has changed 
his mind, it is obliging to me, if I may flatter myself that it is partly 
from wishing to see me again. Were it worth making, at my age, 
a long journey, a warm climate would be my choice. La vie 
animale, n'est pas peu de chose dans ce bas monde ; of this you 
cannot judge as I, who am old, and have lifed in the sun of Spain. 
There is more company, agreeable, in Berlin than M r d'Alembert 
knows ; and as I have lifed mostly with military men, their drums, 
battles, etc., are not unpleasant to me. If I go to the convent 
(Sans Souci) I should have a house in Berlin for my new Christian, 
for change, and live partly there and partly in the convent. . . . 
Here follows an article of a letter from a friend of mine in Paris. 

' ' Mr. Hume, est accueille a Paris comme un des plus doux fruits 
de la paix. Les belles et grande Dames lui font toutes les coquetteries 
dans lesquelles elles savent si bien exceller. Je ne tarirois pas de 
vous parler de lui.' I wish they don't seduce and send you back 
a petit-maitre, et tres adroit a faire la tapisserie. A coquette taught 
Hercules himself to spin. I wish you many happy new years, the 
same to Madam Geoflrin, Messrs. Helvetius and D'Alembert. When 
you see, at Court or elsewhere, my cousin, M r de Melfort, my best 
compliments to him. Adieu. I am for ever your most obedient 
humble servant, " M." 


As still nominally Governor of Neuchatel, to Milord 
Marechal the Ministers at Berlin constantly appealed 
for advice respecting its government. The country was 
still simmering with discontent, and this time over a 
fiscal question. Since 1752 the system of farming out 
the taxes on produce had been renewed, and was most 
unpopular. Milord, from his intimate acquaintance 
with the people, cleverly foresaw that more drastic 
measures must be taken to assist the royal authority, 
now that peace had left the King leisure to attend to 
his little principality. Early in 1764 he wrote to 
Finkenstein, from Edinburgh : 

" The town claims that the supreme authority rests with Neu- 
chatel, and in the end, the King will have but the name of Prince 
left. Having succeeded over the affair of Petitpierre, they will work 
at this new business (the bestowal of the rights of citizenship) with 
the same vigour. As my residence among them makes me better 
acquainted with their character than Your Excellency, so far off, 
I take the liberty of telling you about it. I am sure that in the 
end recourse must be had to Bern to control and modify their claims. 
Certain of the ringleaders, who are some of them pensioners of France, 
might indeed seek to disgust the King and his ministers with a 
seditious and insolent country, in order to facilitate a change by 
means of a sale, as the taking it by force has failed." Finkenstein re- 
plied : " That if there were any propositions to be made, they could 
be addressed to the King's Minister at Paris, in order to find out 
His Majesty's wishes ; as for me, I do not think that the King ever 
had any intention of selling his principality of Neuchatel." 

The Earl Marischall grumbles over the Scotch climate 
to Rousseau, Hume, and Frederic. The former was by 
no means forgotten, far away in the snows in his Jura 
valley in midwinter, most of his congenial neighbours 
fled into Neuchatel. Ailing and depressed, anxious as 
to the future of Therese Levasseur after his death, 
Jean Jacques felt his bon Milord's absence acutely. 


He consoled himself by writing, and began the cele- 
brated "Lettres de la Montagne," during that long, 
dull winter, writing in a little north room, standing at 
his rough wooden desk fixed to the wall. 

To Rousseau 

"EDINBURGH, 2 February, 1764. 

" Your letters have reached me ; I have replied to them exactly, 
my friendship for you is very true and very lasting. It will last as 
long as Jean Jacques is a worthy man. I will answer for it with my 
head, that that will be for ever. 

" I have been rather embarrassed, and I am so in writing to you. I 
should have much to say to you by word of mouth, which I cannot 
put on paper, especially knowing that my letters go astray. I was 
ill for two months when I came to this country ; since then I am 
pretty well. The climate is very disagreeable, the manner of life 
does not suit me ; I tried to conform to it a little, and in that way I 
upset my health. I have to do with men of the law ; I should have 
much to say. I have missed my vocation ; I think I ought to have 
been a Calmuck Tartar, but the furthest away from the Kussians ; 
at the present time I am too old to make good plans ; I feel myself 
failing rapidly, but without pain. I regret that we did not make 
acquaintance twelve years ago in Paris ; we should perhaps have 
been eleven in some nice retreat. My house in this country is not 
one for me. I have so many neighbours that I cannot be one day 
alone. What is to be done ? Venice is a long journey at my age ; you 
would not think yourself quite safe. Nice is in a good climate, but 
a cursed race of people. When I first thought of staying there many 
years ago the governor was a Scotsman and a relation of mine, but he 
has left it. Berlin would not be your choice. I am strongly attracted 
thither by obligations, by cordial invitations, and by a hearty 
attachment to the King of Prussia, and by the great liberty I should 
enjoy there. In embarking from my home I can easily be at 
Hamburg in three days, and in three more at Berlin. M. de Froment 
expects a legacy from an old cousin there which will make him. very 
comfortable. On the other hand, I am powerfully attracted to you ; 
but if one of us fails, you from your infirmities, and I from age, we 
should have made a wearisome journey for nothing. I do not know 
yet what I shall do. I must get rid of all business ; the lawyers 


spin it out and complicate it. You dread them for your small 
legacy ; I think if you make a will leaving what you have to Mile le 
Vasseur, justice will not put the seals on it. ... I am writing by 
this courier to M. Kougemont, State Councillor, a honest man, who 
I am sure will be very glad to serve you, or, to put it better, to put 
Mile le Vasseur out of reach of all bothers of what is called Justice. 
" My first step, after having arranged my affairs, will be to fly 
this terrible climate ; if I go to Berlin the climate of that country may 
also drive me to the South. I will write you my plans, if at my age I 
make any other than to vegetate a little longer with the least worry 
than I can. I wish you as much tranquility as is possible in this 
world, especially with such an upright and tender heart as yours, 
which takes an interest in its friends. I do not think they are very 
pleased at the choice of the new French Minister ; they tell me it 
is Voltaire. I can hardly believe it." 

To Hume, in the midst of the gaiety of Paris, as 
secretary to Horace Walpole, British Ambassador, he 
wrote : 

" Ce 4 Ftvrier. 

" J'ai eu le plaisir de la votre. J'ai vue celle ou vous dites, 
qu'une Dame was desgraced at court for having asked who you 
was. ' To know not me bespeaks thyself unknown.' She has been 
some provinciale newly arrived in Paris. I see you have too much 
business on your hands, what with ladies, petits-maitres, and affairs 
of the embassade ; though, at present, I fancy they are easy. 

" Madam Geoffrin vous a donne un avis bien force, et que je crois 
que vous avez bonne envie de suivre, si le train ou vous etes engage 
vous permettoit de choisir votre fa9on de vivre. Je vous prie de 
lui offrir mes respects, et de lui dire que M r de la Guerche a oublie 
de m'envoyer le billet touchant la peinteur dont elle parle dans le 

" J'ai ete touche et attendri de la lettre de M. Rousseau. II est 
trop sauvage II avoit quand j'etois a mon gouvernement la meme in- 
quietude, en cas qu'il vint a mourer sur les fraix de la justice par 
rapport au peu de choses qu'il peut laisser a Mile le Vasseur. Je 
1'assurois que j'en aurois soin, et que je donnerois a elle 1' argent 
que le roi m' avoit envoye pour lui ; il n'en a pas voulu ; point de 
present, ni vivant ni mort. J'ai ecrit a des amis a Neufchatel pour 
tacher de rendre quelque service a sa gouvernemente s'il vient de 


mourir, et lui epargner les frais de la justice. Dites ceci a Mde de 
Bouffleurs seule. Jean Jacques est trop honnete homme pour ce 
monde, qui tache a tourner en ridicules sa delicatesse ; en meine 
temps offrez-lui mes respects. 

" Ne vous etonnez pas que je n'aime pas ce sejour, ou si on n'a 
pas de bonnes jambes, on ne peut visiter ses amis loges sou vent trop 
haut. Le climat est effroyable, la journee etouffante, la bonne 
societe occupee au barreau, a leur affaires, a leures etudes. Je ne 
sais encore ce que je ferai. Le Pere Gardien vaut tout seul bien 
du monde. II n'y a pas de pays aussi libre pour moi. On pourroit 
difficilement 1'etre ici, * Wilkes a merite d'etre expulse de la chambre 
des communes ' voila, disent ceux de la minorite, un esclave de la 
cour. Le grand jure de Middlesex a trouve un inditement contre 
Carteret Webb de parjure. Si on dit que Carteret Webb a mal fait 
de faire un faux serment, voila qu'on se declare un ennemi du 
ministere. Et si moi je disois que les deux me paroissent avoir tort, 
me voila excommunie des deux cotes. Vive Sans Souci ; chaeun ne 
se mele que de ses affaires ; et moi, Dieu merci, je n'en aurai aucune. 
Dieu vous fasse la meme grace ; vous vous lasserez de vos Duchesses. 
Vous jetterez votre plume politique, vous reprendrez celle de la 
philosophic et vous vous reveillerez comme d'un songe. Bon soir ; 
je vous embrasse de tout mon coeur." 

Frederic was filled with hope, on hearing how Milord 
disliked the Scottish climate ; his friend might now 
return to him ! He sought to lure him by extolling the 
mild spring at Potsdam. 

"SANS Souci, 16^ February, 1764. 

" I begin my letter, my dear mylord, by telling you that the 
weather is so mild and serene in this land that I am spending my 
days in the country. It is at Sans Souci, where I received your 
letter. I am not surprised that the Scotch are fighting to retain you 
with them ; they wish to have your descendants and your bones. 
During your life-time you have had the fate which Homer had after 
his death : many cities disputed the honour of being his native 
place ; and I will fight well with the inhabitants of Edinburgh in 
order to possess you. Had I vessels I should consider a descent 
on Scotland to abduct my dear mylord and carry you away here. 
But our Elbe boats are little fitted for such an expedition, and my 


imagination exhausts itself in inventing the manner of your ab- 
duction. Only on yourself can I reckon ; I wish that the weather 
may be rough enough in your mountains to make you desire more 
temperate skies. You hold out hopes which I eagerly seize upon. I 
was the friend of your dead brother ; I was under obligations to him ; 
I am yours in heart and soul. These are my title-deeds, these are 
the rights I have over you. You will have neither priests nor 
attorneys to dread here ; you will live in the bosom of friendship, 
liberty, and philosophy. There is nothing like that in the world : 
my dear mylord, when one has gone through all the metamorphosis of 
conditions, when one has tasted everything, one comes back to 

"I am at work here in writing my political and martial follies ; 
by my fireside in the evening I read Virgil's ' Georgics,' and in the 
morning I send my gardener to the devil, for he says that neither 
Virgil or I have any sense, and do not understand anything about 
his trade. As for me, I am ashamed that my erudition is so little 
valued, and the next day it begins again. There, my dear mylord, 
is a faithful description of the life which I lead in my retreat. 

" Two of my nephews of Brunswick are here ; they are of much 
promise, and have discovered the art of writing, at their age, the 
vivacity of youth with the wisdom of old men. They are full of 
information, and have an ardent wish to learn everything that is 
worth learning. I finish by acquainting you, my dear mylord, that 
my honeysuckle is dead, that my elder-tree is going to bud, and 
that the wild geese are back already. If I knew anything which 
would attract you back more, I would also tell you, for I will not 
have the presumption that it may perhaps be the friendship and 
the esteem with which I am, my dear mylord, etc." 

Happy in being once more in possession of his an- 
cestral lands, and pleased with the good-will of his 
countrymen, the kindly old Earl MarischalFs thoughts 
turned back to his Swiss friend in poverty and anxiety. 
He almost besought Rousseau to allow him to make 
provision for Therese Levasseur. 

"EDINBURGH, 6 March, 1764. 

'* I have bought one of my estates for the sum of a thousand 
guineas. I had the pleasure of seeing the kindheartedness of my 


fellow countrymen ; no one came to the auction to buy ; and the 
hall and the street rang with hand- clappings when the estate was 
knocked down to me. But, nevertheless, this involves me in business 
which I do not understand, and which I detest ; the only good which 
will come to me of it, is the power of the profit I can make of my 
purchase to do something for those I like and esteem. My good and 
worthy friend, you could give me a great pleasure in allowing me to 
give now, or by will, a hundred louis to Mile le Vasseur ; it will give 
her a little annuity and help her to live. I have no near relations, 
no one of my family ; I cannot carry my money into the next world ; 
my children Emetulla, Ilbraham, Stepan, Motcho, are already suffi- 
ciently provided for. I have still a beloved son: it is my good 
Savage ; if he is a little tractable he will render a great service to his 
friend and servant." 

In gratitude for Milord's kindness, Rousseau was 
anxious to repay him by the only means in his power. 
If Milord had a purse, Jean Jacques had a pen. He 
was seized with the idea of immortalizing the life of 
his benefactor's heroic brother. 

But the Earl Marischall had that stern family pride 
which combines modesty almost to self-depreciation 
in the eyes of the world. Curtly he declined his 
friend's offer. 

" 12 Mars, 1764. 

" I am impatient to see you and make our arrangements. 

" I am very heartily obliged to you for what you think about 
my brother ; but when one has always played a junior's part (though 
often one does more and better than the chief) one does not make 
material for history. I think I will answer you as I have already 
done a German doctor, who asked me for information in order to 
write the life of my brother, Probus vixet, fortis obiit ; the story is 
short, but fine and good, and also rare. Bon jour.'''' 

Poor Jean Jacques now felt that any hopes of seeing 
his bon Milord again were fast vanishing. Pathetic is 
his effort to recall him. 


" 25 March, 1764. 

" At last I have received your letter of February 2nd, and it is 
the only one of the replies you mention which has reached me. I 
see by your dislike of Scotland, and by the uncertainty of your 
choice of an abode, that part of our castle in the air is destroyed. 
. . . How anxious is the heart of man ! When I was near you, I 
yearned for a stay in Scotland in order to be more at my ease 
there ; and now I would give all the world to see you here again 
as governor of Neufchatel. . . . Come back to Colombier, milord, 
work in your garden, and do good to ungrateful people, even 
in spite of themselves ; can you end your career with more 
dignity ? 

"... I see that my hope is vain, milord, that I must give up 
living with you ; and, unfortunately, I shall not lose the need of 
it as easily as I lose the hope. The circumstances under which you 
welcomed me have made an impression upon me which the days 
spent with you will never efface. But at least imagination would 
draw me to you, if I could give you such of my best moments as 
remain to me ; but you have refused the memoirs of your illustrious 
brother. You feared that I should write as a bel esprit, and that I 
should spoil the sublime simplicity of probus vixit, fortis dbiit. Ah ! 
milord, trust my heart ; it will find a strain in which to speak to 
yours of what belongs to you. Yes, I would give all the world if you 
would furnish me with materials to use about you, about your 
family ; in order to be able to transmit to posterity some witness of 
my attachment to you and your kindness to me. If you are kind 
enough to send me some memoirs, be sure that your confidence will 
not be deceived ; moreover, you will be the critic of my work, and 
as I have no other aim than to satisfy a need which torments me, 
if I succeed I shall have done what I desire. Think about it, 
milord, I implore you, and believe that you will not have done a 
little towards the happiness of my life, if you give me the means to 
consecrate the rest of it to being occupied about you. 

"... I intend, if I get a little better, to go this summer to Saint 
Aubin. ... I shall go out of my way to pass by Colombier. At 
least I shall see that garden, those avenues again, the shores of the 
lake where we took such pleasant walks, and whither you ought to 
come to take some more, and to repair in a climate which suited you 
the ravages which that of Edinburgh has caused your health." 

Rousseau wrote again a week later : 


" 31 March, 1764. 

" As to the acquisition you have made, milord, and the announce- 
ment you have made to me about it, the best reply I can give you is 
to copy below what I have written on this subject to the person 
to whom I entrust this letter, while telling her of the good-feeling of 
your fellow-countrymen. 

" All pleasures are, indeed, for the wicked ; but here is one which, 
however, I defy them to enjoy. He immediately notifyed the 
change in his fortune to me : and you can easily guess why. Con- 
gratulate me on my misfortunes, Madame ; they have made me a 
friend of Milord Marechal" 

However, he refused, though in graceful and grateful 
terms, his old friend's assistance, alleging that he had 
enough for the rest of his days, and Mile Levasseur 
had a little annuity from his books. But for her he 
was much more concerned to receive Milord's gift. 
If the latter would assign to her the income of the sum 
it would save Rousseau trouble about business he did 
not understand. 

" I hope, milord, you have received my former letter. Will you 
allow me to use your memoirs ? May I write the story of your house ? 
May I give some praise to the good Scots who are so dear to you 
and are therefore dear to me ? " 

By the end of April a letter which Jean Jacques re- 
ceived from Milord finally dispelled his dearest hopes : 

" EDINBURGH, March 26, 1764. 

" I send you an extract from a letter, which I cannot resist ; 
added to which, for fourteen years I have never found a moment of 
variableness in the King's kindness. The climate is not good at 
Berlin, but better than this. I have only one regret, the little hope 
of seeing you again. There does not seem much appearance that 
this regret will last long ; it will last as long .as I do. I am getting 
very old. I expect to embark for Hamburg, in order to avoid a 
long and wearisome journey by land. 

" I await with some impatience the reply to the last I wrote to 


you. I am very rich, having not only more than the necessary, 
but enough to give and leave to several others. Adieu. I embrace 
you with the tenderest friendship. The following little extract 
does me honour, and no harm, I think, to the author." 

" 3rd (1764). 

" I thought, and I might have presumed, my dear mylord, that you 
would be convinced of always being welcome here ; but, as you 
wish to be told so, I repeat it, and assure you that, summer or winter, 
night or day, in all seasons, all weathers, all hours, you will be re- 
ceived here with open arms by your faithful friend." 


IN April the Earl Marischall went back to Aberdeen- 
shire on his last visit to the home of his fathers. It 
was not only the climate of Scotland which preyed upon 
his health and spirits and made him yearn for Sans 
Souci. He found great difficulty in raising the money 
to pay the full price of his purchase of the estates, and 
was weary of money matters. He also, even in the 
Scottish capital, where enlightened learning and culture 
were now slowly making way, found but few kindred 
souls, and for the whirl of the provincial society he 
had neither taste nor health. In the country it was 
far worse ; he was frankly bored to death by the 
neighbouring lairds, and was totally out of touch with 
the out-of-date remnants of Jacobitism mouldering in 
the Highlands. According to a contemporary, the 
Earl Marischall was no longer a persona grata in his 
native district. 

"Now that he had become a courtier," writes this chronicler, 
" he cared not much for intimacy with the disaffected, who, when 
he was an attainted person, had cried him up as a demi-god in party 
and manners. And his early prepositions hindered him from coal- 
escing with the Whigs, who did not much admire parts of his late 
conduct. His revealing the secret of the family compact to our 
Government (however meritorious in one point of view) gives no 
high idea of his gratitude to Spain, whose bread he ate for so many 
years. Far from being touched with the extravagant joy which 
II 13 193 


was shown on his return to his native country by the friends and 
neighbours of his family, he behaved to them with a coldness and 
nonchalance that quickly dispelled the nattering illusion ; nor did 
his generosity atone for the apathy of his manner." 

If in Aberdeenshire the Earl Marischall did not en- 
counter the worries and annoyances of Neuchatel, the 
inhabitants were quite as narrow and prejudiced, and 
the climate as bad. Moreover, the remnant of Jaco- 
bites who gathered round him and wished him to make 
common cause with them, were not aware, as he was, 
from personal observation, to what depths their idol 
had fallen, and how the gallant young hero for whom 
they had bled in '45 had degenerated into a low-living 
drunkard, ungrateful and even treacherous to his 
faithful adherents. 

Now, to the end of his days, the Earl Marischall 
would never speak his mind about Charles Edward ; 
in Scotland it was difficult to keep silence about him. 

Then came Frederic's letters, full of the longing to 
see him, of the warm welcome awaiting him at Sans 
Souci. When the inclement spring of the east coast 
of Scotland came on in full force, the Earl Marischall 
felt he could endure life there no longer. 

" BERLIN, April 1th, 1764. 

" I received your letter, my dear mylord, on my return from 
Silesia, where I went to dress the wounds which the war had made 
in that province. I am delighted with the hope you give me that 
we may meet again. I have always hoped that that comfort would 
be still granted me. Your strawberry seed has arrived safely, my 
gardener has it, and I hope that I may offer you some in my garden. 
The Memoirs you speak about, and which I have just finished, 
convince me more and more that to write history is to compile 
the follies of man and the blows of Fate. Everything runs on 
these two lines, and so the world has gone on from eternity. We 
are a poor race, which is very restless during the little time it vegetates 


on this atom of mud called the earth. Whoever passes his days 
in quietness and repose, until his machine decomposes, is perhaps 
more sensible than they who, by so many tortuous circles, spiked 
with thorns, descend to the grave. In spite of that, I am obliged 
to go round like the wheel of a mill driven by the water, because 
one is dragged by one's fate, and one is no longer the master to do 
or to leave undone what one wishes. 

" The fine weather has just come ; I am going to run away into 
my garden to examine at leisure the progress of spring, to see the 
bursting and the blooming, and, to use an expression of Fontenelle's, 
I shall catch Nature in the act, in flagranti. 

" Good-bye, my dear mylord ; still keep well, do not forget those 
who are absent, and be sure that I am the best and most faithful 
of your friends." 

Milord broke his decision to Jean Jacques in a kindly 

" KEITH HALL, 13 April, 1764. 

" You will have seen, if my letter has not miscarried, that the 
King of Prussia has come again and upset our chateau, and that I 
cannot resist such an invitation ; if it was only that I might look 
upon it as a passing fancy, but for fourteen or fifteen years his kind- 
ness has never cooled for a moment. At Neufchatel I should be in 
perpetual worries if I did my duty as Governor ; I am too old, I 
will not and I cannot do anything. It is the life I shall lead at 
Potsdam. There is no court to be paid from one end of the year to 
the other ; the climate is severe, but it is better than this one. 

" I felt very much the obligation I owed you when you suggested 
to me that you would write out a short life of my brother. I feared 
to abuse your kindness ; I saw, and I see, that you put too high a 
value on a very small service which I had the happiness of being 
able to render you, and for which I was too much repaid by the 
pleasure it gave me . Then I have no memoirs to give you ; when I am 
at Berlin I shall see if I can find a journal he kept in Russia ; and, 
as you are kind enough to spend a few hours of leisure over it, I 
will send you what I can pick up. There is his Eulogy, printed in 
Berlin. They say the King wrote it ; I will send it you as well. 

" To answer and to forestall your anxiety as regards me. I am 
very well lodged, by a good fire, for the weather is abominable. 
I am prepared to start about the first of June for Hamburg ; it is the 


season of westerly winds, and I could arrive in three or four days. 
I am hiring a vessel, in order to be my own master and to be able 
to land where I like, if the wind was contrary for Hamburg. Our 
seas are not so rough as the Bay of Biscay. From Hamburg it 
takes me three days to Berlin. I shall pay my respects in passing 
(and with great pleasure) to the Princess of Brunswick at Luneburg ; 
thence two days to Potsdam. I expect to go back to my comfort- 
able room at the Castle, and to hire a little garden to potter in ; 
I shall also have a house with a garden for M. and Mde de Froment 
at Berlin, and a room for use when I go there. I shall only have 
two things to regret : the sun of Benedita Valencia, and my son the 
Savage. In my last letter I made him a very reasonable proposition. 
I do not know what he will reply to it ; nothing of any good, I fear. 
Bon jour. I embrace you with the tenderest friendship." 

A lamentation followed from poor Jean Jacques : 

" April 1764. 

"... I hope you will be pleased with my views on the kindnesses 
with which you honour me in your last. ... I see you are about 
to take the step which I always foresaw that you would take in the 
end. In threatening you with an invasion, the King has brought 
it about, and, redoubtable as he is, he has conquered you all the 
more completely by his letter than he could have done by his arms. 
The refuge he presses upon you is the only one worthy of you. Go, 
milord, to your destination ; it is suitable for you to live with 
Frederic, as it would have suited me to live with George Keith. It 
is neither in the order of justice nor in that of fate that my happiness 
should be preferred to yours. Besides, my infirmities increase and 
become almost unbearable ; nothing is left for me but to suffer and 
die on this earth ; and indeed it would have been a pity to go and 
join you only for that. 

" So my last hope has faded. . . . Milord, as you have become so 
rich and so eager to shower your gifts upon me, there is one which 
I have often longed for, and which unhappily seems to me more 
desirable when I lose all hope of seeing you again. I leave the 
solution of this enigma to you ; a father's heart is made to guess it. 

" It is true that the journey you like best will spare you fatigue ; 
but, if you were not so used to the sea, it might try you very much 
at your age, especially if it was rough. In this case the long journey 
by land seems to me preferable, even at the risk of a little more 


fatigue. As I hope you will wait to start till tlie season is a little 
milder, will you allow me, milord, to count on another of your letters 
before your departure ? " 

Before he left his native land for ever the old Earl 
Marischall determined to revisit the place of his birth. 

A " Peterheadian " has bequeathed to us an ac- 
count, drawn from local sources, of the pathetic visit 
of the last Earl Marischall to Inverugie Castle. It 
depicts him in a far kinder light than that of the Whig 
critic previously quoted, and it shows us the depth of 
the feeling which lay behind his cold exterior, and 
which, whenever revealed, endeared him to all who 
experienced it : 

" Notice of this had reached Peterhead, and everything in and 
around the little town wore a gay aspect. Preparations were 
made for a grand banquet in the Keith Masonic Lodge, previous 
to which an address of welcome was to be read in Broad Street. 
When word was brought that the carriage was in sight, the town's- 
folk formed in line, headed by the Magistrates, and marched out 
to meet their illustrious visitor. As soon as they came up to the 
carriage he leaned forward, and scanned, with a careful eye, the 
vast crowd before him. Not one was known to him. At last his 
eye lighted on Mr. Forbes, one of his old companions. Instantly a 
flash of recognition passed over his face, and he held out his hand. 
Forbes, stepping forward, shook it heartily ; and then for a little 
while, they could not speak, from the rush of memories which came 
upon them. Boys they were when last they met together ; and 
now, after a separation of nearly fifty years, they stood side by side, 
old men whose locks had turned grey. To almost every question 
regarding their old companions the Earl received the solemn word 

" The carriage, accompanied by the Peterheadians and the farmers 
from St. Fergus, dressed in their Sunday clothes and mounted on 
horseback, moved slowly towards the town. When it was drawn 
up, and Mr. Forbes had read the address of welcome, the immense 
crowd hurrahed and cheered in such a manner as Peterhead had 
never seen before. Deeply affected, the Earl stood in his carriage 


scarcely able to utter a word. A small incident which now took 
place at this very time served to make the scene still more affecting. 
His old nurse, Mrs. Gordon, bent with age and feeble in her step, 
pushed her way through the dense mass that surrounded the carriage 
and made herself known to him. With an exclamation of surprise 
and joy, he bent down towards her, and took her thin hand in his. 
Into each other's faces they gazed with eyes blended with tears, 
endeavouring to make out the features which were so well known 
more than half a century before. Kindly inquiring after her present 
welfare and comfort as far as he could in the presence of such a 
crowd, he shook into her hand, at parting, a sum of money, remarking 
that he was sorry it was not more, but that he was not now so rich 
as he had once been. 

" When he had landed at Glensheil in 1719 the faithful soul had 
sold her cows, and had sent 20 Scots to him. 

" Now the Earl bent his way towards the home of his boyhood, 
Inverugie. Attended by an immense crowd, escorted by the St. 
Fergus farmers as a guard of honour, he set out for the Castle. As 
he proceeded the people gathered from every quarter to give him 
a hearty welcome and to testify their joy at his return. One old 
man, near the Collieburn, became so mad with joy that he set 
fire to his house for the purpose, he said, of making a bonfire in 
his honour, and threw some gold, with which he was to pay his 
rent, on the top of it, declaring that he ' wid thack his hoose wi' 
gowd ! ' 

" Near this place he met one who had been a companion in many 
a day's ramble : Mr. Fraser of Mains of Inverugie. He did not 
recognise him until he heard his name, on which he grasped him 
warmly by the hand, and chatted about old times and the various 
places they passed. 

" It took hours to reach Steadyvage, from which the first proper 
view of the Castle is obtained. As it came into sight he gazed 
upon it as one does on the changed face of a friend in order that he 
may make out some feature by which he can recognize him. 

" There it stood, roofless, tenantless, its single black rafter 
lifting up its appealing form to the sky. For a few minutes he stood 
up in the carriage, with his eyes fixed on the old pile ; and then, 
summoning all his strength, he cried out : ' Stop the stage ! Stop 
the stage ! ' When this was done he continued looking a little 
longer ; and then, throwing himself back, gave way to an agony 
of grief. 


" Lifting his head, he took one longing, lingering look, and then 
turned away for ever. 

" By a motion of his hand, for he could not trust himself to speak, 
he made known to the coachman that it was his wish to return. 
Slowly the cortege made its way back to Peterhead, and the turrets 
of Inverugie saw him no more." 

The portrait by Mason, painted in 1763, now hang- 
ing in the Town Hall of Peterhead, is a memento of the 
last Earl MarischalFs last brief sojourn in Scotland. 

He was determined to sell his estates. Inverugie 
Castle was a ruin ; impregnable Dunottar had been 
blown up by Argyle. Not fond of his next heir, Lord 
Haulkerton, he, in the first place, offered the properties 
privately to his intimate old friend, Charles Smith. 
The latter, however, whose grandson would succeed 
to the Touch estates, declined to purchase, and the 
Earl Marischall turned to his neighbour, Lord Pitfour, 
great-grandson of a Baillie of Inverurie in the time of 
Charles II, who had made a fortune at the bar and had 
risen to be a Judge. He had now retired from the 
bench, and his estate marched with part of the Mari- 
schall property. 

With Pitfour the Earl Marischall had a long and 
secret negotiation. A public sale would have exposed 
him to the remonstrances of his neighbours. In the 
end Pitfour bought the estates and was accused by his 
friends and neighbours of having taken advantage of 
the Earl's ignorance of business to drive a good bar- 
gain. But it did not turn out a lucrative purchase, and 
the Earl Marischall, on the other hand, thought him- 
self under an obligation to Pitfour's legal knowledge 
for skill in winding up his complicated affairs. 

He himself remarked : "I believe they (the estates) 
will not produce much to the buyers ; time will show. 
The good is that I can live on what I already have." 


Written on the eve of leaving the United Kingdom, 
a line to Jean Jacques shows that the Earl Marischall 
had a warm " send off " from Court and society in 

"LONDON, June 6, 1764. 

" I cannot express to you the pleasure your indulgence in my 
favour has given me ; I feel its value very keenly. I have only time 
to tell you how much I am your servant and your faithful friend. 
I am as if in a storm at sea ; court to be paid, visits, dinners, etc., 
overwhelm me. I am escaping ; my trunk is being packed. I leave 
to-morrow for Brunswick, then for Berlin, whence I will write to 
you at my leisure; meantime, I embrace you heartily." 


By George Mason. From a portrait in the Council Chamber at Peterhead. 

II. 200] 



FOR the fourteen remaining years of his life the old 
Earl Marischall spent a happy and contented old age 
under Frederic's wing at Potsdam : 

" Were I in Spain," he was wont to say, " I should feel it on my 
conscience to denounce Frederic to the Holy Inquisition, because 
the King has given me philtres to make him love him, as Hal did to 
Falstaff. If he had not bewitched me why do I stay here, where I 
only see the spectre of a sun, when I might live and die in the happy 
clime of Valentia ? " 

To Rousseau he wrote very soon after his arrival at 
Berlin : 

"SANS SOUOIB, 7 July, 1764. 

" I have at last arrived here in good health after a long journey 
over the sands and with a heavy carriage ; I had the pleasure of 
finding the King very well, and working indefaticably for the welfare 
of his subjects and to repair their sufferings during the war. The 
Russians did much harm in Pommerania, where the peasants were 
serfs ; the King took this opportunity to give them their liberty. He 
furnished the gentlemen with money for them, I mean to put their 
land in order, and rebuild their houses, etc., and persuaded them by 
his help to give freedom to their serf peasants. This barbarism still 
exists in Upper Silesia ; the King cannot repeal the laws, but he 
will, nevertheless, take the first opportunity he can to persuade the 
gentlemen to follow the example of these in Pommerania. There is 
a good action. 

" I have received one of your letters, which, being on the point 
of departure, I had not time to answer. I feel indeed to the utmost 



what you have offered as to my brother. I will search in this country 
for a journal which I think he kept ; yet I have some scruple in per- 
suading you to use your pen. I know all that emanates from it will 
be well done ; but my brother, who was only second in command, has 
not done enough distinguished things. If I wished to ask you to 
write the life of any one, it would be that of a friend dead fifty 
years ago nearly ; I shall try and collect some anecdotes. In short, 
here is his character : he had wit, knowledge, eloquence, was a zealous 
citizen ; strong, he seemed to have in him the soul of Cato of Utica ; 
as much as he was a lover of his Country and of Liberty. Also, like 
Cato, he wished to act as if in Republica Platonis, though he lived 
in foce Romuli. I have two other friends of that name ; one who 
unfortunately killed himself at Philippi, and another who unfor- 
tunately is in bad health in Switzerland. The life of such a man, 
well written, would inspire young men who are not yet corrupted by 
the torrent of bad examples in this foce Romuli" 

Jean Jacques, who had returned from an abortive 
attempt to reach the waters of Aix, was pleased to 
hear of his bon Milord's 

" Safe arrival at the King's, and that my protector and my father 
still loves me like his own child. 

" What you tell me of the liberating of the Pommeranian peasants, 
joined to other traits which you mentioned to me before, point out 
to me two equally fine things : that is to say, in their object the 
character of Frederic, and in their choice the heart of George. One 
could compile a history worthy of immortalizing the King without 
other memoirs than your letters. 

" Apropos of memoirs, I am eagerly expecting those you have 
promised me. I would willingly give up the special history of your 
brother, if you would make them ample enough to work out of 
them that of your house. I could speak at length of the Scotland 
you love so well, and of your illustrious brother, and of his illustrious 
brother, who through all this has become dear to me." 

Milord replied on September 20th, 1764 : 

" I was much troubled about your health ; my fears are un- 
fortunately verified ; and you wish, moreover, to undergo the fatigue 
to do me the favour of writing a history of my country and my 


family. The first would give me much pleasure ; but the materials 
are lacking. We could but compile, extract, repeat what others 
had said. The second is very flattering for me ; but, my good friend, 
you must use your pen about something that suits you better ; the 
spirit of Liberty, the virile spirit of Fletcher, that is a subject worthy 
of you. You would be inspired, you would be inflamed, you would 
take a delight in celebrating such a man. There is but one thing 
that could restrain me, and that is that those who did not know 
Fletcher might fancy that you were writing your life under his 
name, for the resemblance is very great, and so is also the face, 
though you are better looking than he was. I am having some 
things of his translated to send to you, as a specimen of the man. 
His virtues, brought to light by your mind, inspired with the same 
feelings, would inflame others, at least I hope so, and that the work 
would be useful to the human race, or to a few of the species, for, as 
for the mass, one cannot hope for it. 

" Give my compliments please to Mile le Vasseur, and tell her 
that, if I happen to die, she asks about me from Mr. Charles Smith 
at Boulogne, or from his son Hugh Seaton of Touch, at Touch near 
Stirling. Bon jour. 

" A piece of Fletcher's is translated . . . adorned with a sketch 
of the author's life by your hand, it would have a great sale. The 
spirit of liberty is engraved deeply in every heart and does not ever 
become effaced ; however, you will judge better than myself of the 
merit of my friend, once dead, but now partly resuscitated in Jean 
Jacques, who has come to replace him with me." 

" October 20, 1764. 

" This has been long on my table awaiting an opportunity to send 
it with Fletcher's essay on the militia. It is still being translated, 
but the little that is left to be done chiefly concerns Scotland. 
Perhaps it would be better to be content with what is already 
translated ; one can add many comments on it, and expose to view 
the happiness of having a nation or part of a nation full of a warrior 
spirit ; the Queen of Hungary experienced this keenly, we have in 
Scotland our Highlanders, of whom 40,000 made England tremble 
in 1745. Their customs are now being changed, as their dress is 
already, in the last war 700 French who embarked with Thurot 
spread alarm along all the coast, but no one thinks, especially in 
England, except from day to day, and the ministers only how to 
support their party. So the world goes, and will go ; I think the 


wisest would be to leave it to go its own way and to live in a wood. 
Bon jour." 

Knowing Milord Marischall to be a great gardener, 
the King bought him a piece of land in a suburb of 
Potsdam, the back of which abutted on to the entrance 
of Sans Souci. Here, in the summer of 1764, he pro- 
ceeded to build him a little house on the roadside, 
quite to the fancy of its future inhabitant, who, more- 
over, without professing to understand anything about 
architectural technicalities, had the plans much 
altered to suit his taste. 

The Earl Marischall describes it in a letter to Hume. 

" POTSDAM, ce 11 Sep., 1764. 

" Le plaisir de votre lettre, et 1'assurance d'amitie de Madame 
Geauffrin et de Monsieur d'Alembert, a ete bien rabattu par ce que 
vous me dites de Petat de la sante de Monsieur d'Alembert ; sobre 
comme il est a table, comment peut il avoir des meaux d'estomac : 
il faut qu'il travaille trop de la tete a des calculs, ou qu'il allume 
sa chaudelle par les deux bouts, c'est cela sans doute. Renvoyez- 
le ici a mon hermitage, je le rendray a sa, ou ses, belles frais, 
repose, se portant a merveilles. 

" A propos de mon hermitage dont M r de Malsan vous a fait la 
description, il a voyage avec Panurge, on a ete chez Oui-dire 
tenant ecole de temorgnerie, primo, ma petite maison n'existe pas, par 
consequent mon grand hote ne pouvait m'y honorer de sa presence. 

" 2*. Elle ne sera pas si petite, ayant 89 pieds de faade, avec 
deux ailes de 45 pieds de long ; le jardin est petit, assez grand 
cependant pour moy, j'ay une clef pour entrer aux jardins de Sans- 
Soucy. II y aura une belle salle avec une vestibule, et un cabinet 
assez grand pour y mettre un lit, tout a part des autres apparte- 
ments, si d'Alembert venoit il pouvoit y loger et prendre les eaux, 
mais il est plus que probable que le Grand Hote me disputeroit 
et emporteroit cet avantage. En attendant son arrivee, j'y logerais 
mon ancien ami Michel de Montague, Ariosto, Voltaire, Swift, et 
quelques autres. 

" Saul et David y seront aussi, quoyque j'aimerais mieux David 
F i D r m, surtout en persone, car le Verbum j'ay, la Caro 


manque. Je regrette bien de n' avoir pas 3911 que M* de Boufflers 
etoit en hollande quand j'y ay passe, j'aurais etc heurieux de la 
connoitre, par tout le bien que tout le monde dit d'elle. Son ami 
et le mien Jean Jaques a ete en chemin pour les eaux en Savoye. 

*' Voltaire est un antichretien entousiaste, j'en ay connu plus d'un 
et qui plus est sans etre poete ; je ne sais rien de son dictionaire que 
j'ay oherche ici inutilement, il viendra, toutes les choses nous 
vienent, un peu plus tard a la verite par ou vous etes ; mais la 
Societe dont vous avez le bonheur de jouir ne nous yiendra pas ; 
comme je suis tres vieux, lourd, pesant, bon a rien, il ne faut que 
Placidem sub libertate Quietum; mon note pour me la donner 
plus entierement, me batit ma maison ; elle sera achevee en trois 
mois ; meublee au printems ; et j'y pourrez loger Octobre 1765. 

" Faites moy envisager comme pas impossible que vous pourriez 
y venir, que je serois bien content, bon soir. 

" Mes respects a Madame Geauffrin. 

" Dites a d'Alembert que j'ai une vache pour lui donner de bon 
lait, cela le tentera plus que le cent mil roubles qu'on lui a offert. 
N'a pas bon lait qui vent, et vir sapiens non abhorrebit earn, come 
disoit Maitre Janotus de ses chausses. . . . 

" d'Argens est parti hier chercher le soleil de Provence, avant 
que de se mettre en voyage, il se fit teter le poux par son medecin, 
le priant toujours bien fort de le dire de bon foye s'il etoit en etat 
de faire le voyage, les chevaux etaient deja au carosse, il dit qu'il 
reviendra, et n'en sait rien ; le soleil ne le guerira pas de sa hypo- 
condrie, il reviendra chercher le froid, s'il ne creve pas, ce qui est a 
craindre, son corps est trop delabre. Son frere, grand Jesuite, sa 
vieille mere, et les Jansenistes Prove^eaux tout cela le genera, il 
soupirera apres la liberte de philosopher de Sans-Soucy, quoiqu'il 
se plaint quand il y est ; si on lui dit qu'il se porte bien surtout il 
se fache. II seroit fort a souhaiter que votre plume fusse employee 
a nous instruire de la verite, au lieu des disputes sur 1' I[l]e de la 
Tortuga, que je crois 1'occupe un peu a present, mais si vous ne vous 
mettez pas a ecrire de votre propre mouvement, et non pas par 
complesance pour un autre, ne faites rien ; il faut y etre tout entier. 

" Le Chevalier Stuart m'a parle des decouvertes par le Microscope, 
par un certain Needham, prete. j'ay cherche inutilement cette 
brochure. Voici le fait come le chevalier Stuart me 1'a dit. II 
prit un gigot de mouton, le fit rotir presqu'a bruler, pour detruire 
les animalcules ou leurs oeufs qui pouvoient y etre : il en prit le jus, 
le mit dans une bouteille bien bouchee, le fit cuire des heures dans 


de 1'eau bouillante, pour detruire toute animalcule ou oeuf qui 
pouvoit s'etre introduite par 1'air en mettant le jus dans la bouteille ; 
au bout de quelque terns le jus fermente, et produisit des animal- 

" Needham pretend que toute generation ne vient que de fermenta- 
tion. Je vous dit mon autheur, vous le connoissez ; il ne parle 

" Cette decouverte me paroit valoir le peine a examiner ; ce 
pourroit etre du gibier, come dit Montagne, de M. Diderot. Si la 
fermentation dans une petite bouteille produit un tres petit animal ; 
celle de tous les elements de notre globe, ne pourroit elle produire 
un chevre, un elephant. Je proteste que je parle avec toute sou- 
mission a David Hume F i D i, et a le sainte Inquisition, 

s'il trouve que quelque chose cloche dans ce sisteme, que je ne fais 
que reporter. Bon soir." 

The little house was not finished till the following 
year. Milord inscribed upon it this motto: Prideri- 
cus II, nobis hcec otia fecit, probably invented by 
Hume, for in a postscript to a letter Milord added : "I 
forgot myself in saying ' good David ' ; I ought to say 
' wicked/ because he has not sent me the inscription I 
want for my hermitage. " 

Milord Marechal lived a very methodical and placid, 
and somewhat abstemious life at Potsdam, with his 
books and his friends and his big dog " Schnell." All 
distinguished travellers to Berlin came to call upon 
him, and stayed, if they wished, to dine. Next to the 
Scots he preferred the Spaniards, and was wont to say 
that the latter were always victorious over the English 
in war, never being defeated except when inferior in 

In the summer of 1764, among his Scottish visitors, 
came the son of his old friend, the Judge, Lord Auchin- 
leck. James Boswell, now twenty-four, clever, gay 
young will-of-the-wisp, had been despatched by his 
father to go through a course of two years' study at 

4- 1, xv TT 


the Universities of Utrecht and Leyden; but he had 
broken loose, and was now starting on the " grand 
tour " in Europe. Dr. Johnson's " Bozzy " first bent 
his steps to Berhn, where the Earl Marischall furnished 
him with many introductions. In the spring he pur- 
sued his erratic course through German capitals to 
Switzerland, where Rousseau and Voltaire received him 
for Milord's sake ; and so on to Italy and Corsica, to 
make friends with Paoli. 

A letter to Jean Jacques in October describes Milord's 
life at Potsdam. Rousseau had been asked to indite 
a legal code for the Corsicans, who had just emanci- 
pated themselves under Paoli, and Corsican affairs 
recalled to the old Earl Marischall his far-off conspirator 
days, when he would fain have set up Charles Edward 
as King of that island. 

" POTSDAM, 24 October, 1764. 

"... My house will not be habitable for more than a year. 
I spend my time very much alone, except at table at the King's ; 
there are assemblies, there are beautiful ladies, but I leave them and 
talk to my good friend Jean Jacques, Michel de Montaigne, and 
some others. I have the luck to be ignorant of the language of the 
country, which ensures me much repose. I fancy you asked if the 
King at his expense and cost had procured the peasants' freedom 
in Pommerania ; he does as much good to his people as circumstances 
allow him ; seeing that the gentlemen often deceive their peasants, 
over whom they have the advantages arising from education, 
authority, family relationship, lawyers' assistance, and money, 
he has declared all peasants always minors ; and if a lord wishes 
to buy a piece of land from a commune or a mere peasant, one of the 
King's men must be present to watch over the interests of the 
weakest. Certainly our laws about marriage are alarming ; he had 
allowed a married couple to separate when they chose for a limited 
time, which caused irregularities ; they separated about trifles 
and by caprice, and came together again in the same way ; now 
husband and wife may separate for ever, when they like ; the mar- 
riage is declared void. It is a great encouragement to marriage, to 


know that if one finds oneself badly coupled there is another remedy 
besides hanging oneself. The enquiries Paoli and his brave fellow 
countrymen have addressed to you have made me think of what I 
have just told you. I like Paoli having appealed to you ; it shews that 
he really desires his Country's good. I have always been Corsican. 
I got it by arms in the year 1729, in a very small quantity, in truth. 
I was on their shores in a little tartane when an armed Genoese bark 
forced us to go away ; I was going to Italy. It is the only people 
who are capable of receiving a virile Legislation, and which will last 
longer than elsewhere ; but a good and stable government is a 
chimera : it is like the fine ice Palace at St. Petersburg ; a little fog 
or a little sun melts it. When the materials are not worth anything 
one cannot build a good and solid edifice. A merchant becomes 
rich ; there is a beginning of luxury. A Corsican comes from service 
in France with a fine coat, plays the dandy, turns a few silly girls' 
heads, and the same with young fellows who want to imitate him ; 
then how to regulate religion, and avoid superstition and the Priests' 
wiles. However, I shall hope (if your health permits) that you will 
write at least general rules for the good and brave Corsicans ; it will 
help them extremely when they set up their government ; but I 
dread for them the Gavachos of the Genoese. 

" P.S. I have just had a letter from the Duke of Medina-Sidonia, 
thanking me for your works, about which he is enthousiastic, 
especially the Essay on Uegalite des hommes. 

" October 26th." 

In the summer the old man, now nearly eighty, rose 
at five, and read for an hour, wrote his letters, answer- 
ing most of those he received. Then, according to the 
fashion of that wig- wearing age, he had his head shaved ; 
washed himself in cold water ; and, very personally 
dainty, in days when tubbing was unknown, had his 
body brushed all over daily. When he was dressed he 
took a drive or pottered about his garden. 

He liked Spanish cookery, preferred his soups to be 
tasty, and always had Spanish dishes in his menu or 
in winter olla podrida, in summer pipitona. The fare 
was more abundant than delicate ; in the matter of wine 
he was very temperate. He dined at twelve, chiefly on 


vegetables, and drank a glass of sherry, a taste acquired 
in his Valentian days. When he dined at home he 
always had four or five guests with them, and after 
dinner he always left them " to make his coffee," which 
was a euphemism for taking a twenty minutes' siesta, 
another Spanish habit. He never remembered to have 
lain awake for a moment after his head touched the 
pillow ! 

After dinner he took coffee, and played piquet. He 
was not a good player, and only staked half a guinea, 
spending his winnings on a feast for Schnell. Once a 
month this favourite had a grand meal of tripe, etc. 
There were smaller canine pets, but they were not 
allowed in his room. When Herr Schnell died he was 
buried in his master's garden, a stone with an epitaph 
placed over him, after the manner of the defunct 
royal dogs on the terrace above at Sans Souci. 

After dinner the old man again strolled about his 
garden, inspecting his favourite flowers and vegetables. 
These were good, but never forced. "Let us not force 
Nature," he wrote ; " she knows better than we what 
we want, and will give us each thing in due time ; let 
her choose." He supped off chocolate, yet another 
Spanish habit, and went early to bed. 

He could, if he wished it, dine daily with Frederic ; 
a place was always laid for him, but he was allowed 
the option of dining at home. When he sent word to 
the King that he would wait upon him, Frederic would 
not sit down to table till his old friend had arrived. 
One can picture these little dinners in the small room 
at Sans Souci, with its " confidence table," which sank 
through the floor between each course, and thus obviated 
the presence of any servants. The King took care to 
order old Milord's favourite dishes to be set before 
him, and helped him himself. After dinner he let him 


take a nap in one of the rooms set apart for the pur- 

Count Lehndorff, the Queen's Chamberlain, gives a 
glimpse of a cheery supper at the King's " confidence 
table," on a New Year's Eve, Milord Marechal among 
the guests, who included the King's sister, Princess 
Amelia, his brother, Prince Henry, the Prince of 
Prussia, and Frederic's four nephews, Maupertuis's 
widow, and old Baron Polnitz as " jester." The ladies 
had donned paper crowns and sceptres, and Frederic 
himself took a fan and played the lady. 

Frederic's palace was a kind of cloister retreat for 
the Earl Marischall's old age. " Our Father Abbot," 
he wrote, " is gey easy to live wiV With the Queen 
he also got on excellently. In fact, he was so happy 
that nothing irritated him more than for others to come 
from dining at the King's table and to proceed to 
grumble about him. 

" There are people," lie said, " who make it appear as if they 
were very dissatisfied with the King, because he asked them to 
dine, but who would be a hundred times more so were they not 

He never forgot for a moment the natural courtesy 
which was one of his most marked characteristics, if 
any one abused his benefactor, the great King. He 
quarrelled with D'Argen^who lived in the closest com- 
panionship with this Prince and yet found fault with 
him behind his back. " I cannot," said Milord, " be the 
friend of any one who dines every day at the King's 
table, and collects gall there in order to distil it." 

He broke entirely with a very distinguished Prussian 
General, Quintus Icilious, who, despite the King's favour 
towards him, acted so ungratefully as to allow himself 
to speak in unmeasured terms about him. Yet he 


rescued another who, maligning Frederic, fell into dis- 
grace ; he took him into his own house. 

The Earl Marischall had been always fond of read- 
ing ; in his youth his book-plate bore the motto : 
Manus hcec inimica Tyranis. Now in his old age he 
spent much time over his books, and, as memory failed, 
enjoyed reading the same authors over and over again. 
" I shall now have the pleasure of re-reading good 
books which I do not remember/' he remarked charac- 
teristically. His favourite authors were Cervantes, 
Quevocha, the comic Italian poets, Ariosto, Don Quixote, 
Rabelais, Montaigne, Shakespeare and the old drama- 
tists, Terence and Plautus, and the Greek classics in 
translation, which show a wide range of reading. He 
had always been a good Latin scholar ; at Marischall 
College in his youth all the teaching was in that lan- 
guage. Over Plutarch he was fond of arguing with 

His favourite French authors were Moliere, Montaigne, 
and Voltaire ; he enjoyed the humour of the latter, 
especially in his old age. 

Tragedy he abhorred, even that of Racine or Corneille. 
"Too far from Nature," he said; mirth he loved. 
A friend came upon him one day laughing aloud over 
a book he was reading when alone. Poetry he read 
but little, though he often quoted appositely that he 
liked. When reading in a foreign language, he always 
had a dictionary at hand ; he did not like to half- 
understand words. Like the late Lord Salisbury, he 
always read the newspaper with a map, especially the 
war news. He read the " gazettes/' as the journals of 
the day were called, assiduously, and retailed anecdotes 
of celebrated men who might be mentioned in them 
or whom he had come across. 

In his old age he read only for amusement ; but he 


was informed in ancient and modern history, and must 
have studied seriously when younger. 

D'Alembert sent him one of his philosophical books. 
Milord replied to him : 

" I have read your work with much pleasure ; I was really 
pleased with myself when I found that I could understand it. I 
will indulge my privilege of an old fellow to tell a story. I had a 
short-sighted tutor ; he was walking at Edinburgh with a friend 
whose eyes were no better. Neither one nor the other had ever seen 
the time on the great clock of the church. My tutor looked up at 
the church, and thought he saw the time, to his great astonishment ; 
the other laughed at him and thought that he also saw the time ; 
to their great joy they discovered it was true. These poor fellows 
did not notice that their sight was equally bad, but that the dial 
had been altered to make the figures clearer. Good-night. 

"I have just read the 'Philosophical Dictionary,' a work more 
pleasing than wise. It is well that all the world is not wise. 


Another friend asked him if he knew who was the 
author of the " Abrege de THistoire Ecclesiastique," 
which had just appeared, a work but little edifying, 
attributed to a great Prince. Milord replied : 

" I can tell you nothing to enlighten you about the Author of 
the book you mention ; I do not know it. I do not think it is the 
Pere Abbe whom you suspect ; he would be careful not to give such 
an obvious pretext for excluding him from a good Bishopric. A propos 
of Bishoprics, do you know the Bishop of Breslau has deserted, 
either to speak as a good Christian, or to abandon his temporal good 
to seek retreat in Catholic States which will give him shelter." 

The Bishop, good Christian and a Catholic, had be- 
trayed his benefactor and King, and was rewarded by 
the outlawry he deserved and universal contempt. 

A friend dubbed Milord, out of " Tom Jones," " Mr. 
Alworthy." He was very indulgent to Tom Jones, 
but he disliked Blifils. 


Milord was a concise and witty, if not an elegant 
writer, in an age of slipshod spelling and of fine epis- 
tolary style. His command of French idioms was 

Though living in Berlin at a time when Frederic the 
Great secured for his opera the best talent that Italy 
could produce and create, the old Scotsman's favourite 
music was that of the pibroch. 

In conversation Milord spoke slowly and deliberately 
in English, after the manner of his nation. In French 
he talked fluently and amusingly, because of his 
na'ivete, originality, and unusual expressions. He was 
a great raconteur in an age when there was time to tell 
stories and time to listen to them. He told anecdotes 
of his travels, and of repartees he had heard. For 
repartee he had a distinct talent, and enjoyed it ; but he 
was always tactful and kindly. His darts never rankled. 
Though nil admirari was his favourite motto, he often 
repeated the saying of Fontenelle, who had so often been 
his fellow- guest at Madame Geoffrin's table : "I am a 
hundred, I was French, and I shall die with the con- 
solation of never having made the least jibe at the 
humblest guest." 

With his contented and well-informed mind, it would 
have been surprising if he had ever felt dull. " How 
could I be bold and courageous enough to feel dull," 
he said, " having under my eyes the example of a King 
who never is ? " 

One day, in Milord's presence, Frederic asked a 
literary man what boredom was. 

" Sire," replied the author, " you must not ask either 
yourself, or Milord, or me ; but if you like to take a 
little journey to the other Courts of Europe you may 
cull good information about this malady, and may, 
perhaps, catch it." 



IN the autumn of 1764 Rousseau's " Lettres ecrites de 
la Montagne " had appeared, in which he brought out 
the inconsistency of his persecutors, disclosed the 
ambitious schemes of the Genevese aristocracy, and 
took up again, but without solving it, the question of 
the supernatural. 

He sent a copy of the book to Milord, with a wail 
over not receiving any letters from him : 

" A thousand people in this country have news of you, and I am 
the only one forgotten. This shows me my misfortune ; but who 
will tell me the cause of it ? I give up trying to discover it, finding 
none worthy of you. Milord, the feelings I owe to you and which I 
have vowed to you will last all my life ; I shall never think of you 
without tenderness ; I shall look upon you always as my protector 
and my father. But, as I fear nothing more than being importunate, 
and I cannot keep up a correspondence alone, I shall cease to write 
till you have allowed me to continue." 

Milord replied: 

"POTSDAM, 24 November, 1764. 

" I have just received yours of the 29th of October ; if I have 
not been very regular in writing to you, you have seen my reasons : 
the slowness of the Translator ; and meanwhile I am not badly 
scolded, for it is scolding me very badly to suppose that my friend- 
ship has cooled ; then you end by a great respect', Sangue de mi / I 
will not have respect ; I wish for friendship from my friend Jean 

' 214 


" Mr. Ray has sent me your Lettres de la Montagne, with a copy 
for the King ; they have not come yet. I thank you very much. We 
have a Philosophical Dictionary which people are sure is by Voltaire, 
although they say he denies it like a devil ; if you have not seen it, 
and if you are curious about it, I will send it you by some traveller. 
I could, perhaps, send you the work of a cure in Champagne, which 
is being much talked about. The work was seized after his death 
by the Governor, and is in the library of the King of France in 2 
volumes in folio ; what has appeared is probably but an extract. 
He finishes his work by saying, ' It is proved that the world will 
never be happy till the last Prince is hung in the bowels of the last 
Priest.' I have this anecdote from one of my friends in Champagne. 

" Did I tell you I had received a letter from a friend in Spain, 
I think even belonging to the Inquisition, enthousiastic about your 
book on Education. Force is necessary to pierce the barriers of 
bigotry in Spain ; ' Emile ' has done it. 

" Besides scolding me you add corporal punishment by telling 
me nothing about your health ; but I try to parry the blow by 
supposing it to be no worse since you write. Myself, I am pretty 
well for my age. I live almost alone ; to dine with the King ; the 
afternoons at home or at Madame de Froment's ; no visits ; we are 
going to have the Carnival at Berlin, during which I propose often 
to diet myself at home ; sometimes I shall go to the Opera, some- 
times to the play, never to the Ridoute. 

" There has been a great fire at Konigsberg in Prussia, which has 
made the King very anxious ; he has done all he can to succour the 
burnt-out people . The severity of the weather increases the suffering. 
The wood stores are burnt, the nearest forests destroyed by the 
Russians during the war ; he cannot build while it freezes, and it 
freezes for a long time at Konigsberg. He is doing the most needful, 
and has made the poor people go into the towns and villages near ; 
he has plenty to do. 

" Are you still thinking of coming down from your mountain ? 
Cressier is quite a good spot. Good-bye ; I embrace you heartily." 

A little later : 

" December 5, 1764. 

" I have thanked you for this mark of your remembrance and 
friendship in having sent me your book. My gratitude has increased 
very much since I have read it, both for the book and for the honour 
you have done me in it. You moved me too much ; you made tears 


flow from a Turkish heart . She begs me to tell you that, if she survives 
you, she offers lodging and table with her at Colombier to Mile le 
Vasseur, and I can tell Mile le Vasseur that, next to J. J., she will 
never find a truer heart than that of this Turk. 

" I do not think your book can be refuted ; but they will be furious. 
To take away miracles, it is like taking away rouge and ribbons 
from a pretty woman. I have known people who have made 
difficulties about believing natural things ; but, as for supernatural 
things, they received them without a doubt ; miracles amuse them 
as players on gobelets amuse the populace. I had a little collection 
in Spain ; so amusing it would be a pity to destroy them. 

" M. de Voltaire has just confirmed what you have said, that he 
thinks himself honoured in one company by what he denies boldly 
in another. The Dictionaire Philosophique is indeed his work ; I 
have not seen it yet. They say that when the King of France 
heard speak of it he said, Cannot that man be made to hold his tongue ? 
and that on that Voltaire escapes in a hurry to place himself in 
Genevese territory." 

Another letter to Rousseau gives us a glimpse of 
Milord's life that winter. The de Froments had joined 
him at Berlin. 

" BERLIN, January 18, 1765. 

"... I am making researches about Fletcher's life, and, if I find 
they are worth it, I will send them you and we will see what is to be 
done. Boswell is a man of some position, but full of hypochondriacal 
and visionary ideas ; he has often seen ghosts. I hope he will not fall 
into the hands of people who will quite turn his head. He was very 
pleased with the reception you gave him. 

" They say the King of France, having heard the Dictionaire 
Philosophique talked about, said, * Cannot this man be made to hold 
his tongue? ' That reeks somewhat of the Bastille. Voltaire took 
fright, and retired from France as quickly as possible, according 
to what people say there. Since then he wishes to make some 
friends ; he will be one of yours till the fancy takes him to give you 
some kicks in his own fashion. If you had politely replied to his 
advances it would have done you no harm, but perhaps it is better 
still that you stay where you are with regard to him. I am told 
that the firm which is to print your works will meet with much 
opposition ; the Council of State, I fear, at least will not support the 


permission which it gave to have them printed. The King will not 
interfere ; he leaves the affairs of Neuchatel entirely to his ministers, 
those who feel that they can do nothing by force which they have 
not to hand, nor by reason which the Neuchatelois have not often 
in their heads, leave all those things to the Council of State. I will 
In what I can. It seems to me you will do well to appear as little 
is pDssible, and to leave the firm to do everything. If the project fall 
tnrough I should like the onus to rest with them ; the advantages 
which will acrue to you, or rather, I think, to Mile le Vasseur, you 
will get anywhere, or at least in Holland or in England when you 
like. It is a terrible race, that of the race of the Town of Neuchatel, 
for the people are much better in the country, and I am very 
pleased with those at Couvez. 

" If you wish to know my life here during Carnival, I have seen 
one play and two Operas, no Redoute. The cold is very severe. When 
I go out, which is but little, I wear two fur coats. I ask one friend 
or two to dine a VOlla. Often I am called to the King's table or the 
Queen's, and I leave my friend and the Olla. I prefer Potsdam ; that 
quiet life suits my age and my mood better. In two months I shall be 
at work in my garden ; that is the resource of old faineants like me. 
Good day ; I embrace you affectionately. 

" Emetulla to the good Armenian. 

" Alekam Salem." 

A New Year's letter to Colonel Chaillet shows that 
while Milord was dissatisfied with the way Michel 
who had been Prussian Minister in London, and 
was now acting as Deputy-Governor for him was 
managing affairs in Neuchatel, he himself did not in 
any way mind being quit of them. 

" I wish most heartily a happy New Year to you and your friends 
(whom I believe also to be mine). I congratulate you on the 
setting up of that fine shop where justice is sold ; when I was at 
Neuchatel one could not be bought at any price ; witness, among 
other cases, when the words of a letter of mine to the magistrate 
about an agreement were altered ; but no right to have justice at 
any price. Joking apart, it seems to me bold to wish to suppress a 
decree of the King to the Council of State, as I hear was the case 
with the licence in question, and the ministery is right to be annoyed 


about it. Otherwise, I shall be very glad when I can do any service 
to some honest folk of your country whose conduct I consider 
most praise- worthy in general, and in particular am grateful for 
their proof of friendship and good-will ; but as for the government 
of the country and the squabbles with which it seethes, I left the 
beautiful retreat of Colombier because I could do nothing against 
them, as there was so little order, and as it appeared that I only 
did harm to the King's affairs there and still more to the tranquility 
of the country. For it is well known that I had offered the same 
agreement that they acquiesced to subsequently, and that they 
apparently only refused because the proposition came from me ; 
so you will not find it extraordinary that I leave the complaints 
against M. d'lvernois, etc., to be gone into by whoever's business 
it is ; I repeat again that I will serve my friends as far as I can, 
but as for those of the land in general I have no obligation whatever 
to concern myself with them. I advise you to have a garden to 
dig in, a box of macaroni, and a good Lodi cheese, and not to think 
of reforming abuses which are too deeply engrained. Good night. 
"... My complements to M. Rougemont, to M. Meuron ; his 
nephew here is a rather nice fellow." 

From the beginning of his stay at Motiers we have 
seen Rousseau on the best of terms not only with his 
neighbours there, but with the Pastor de Montmollin. 
Rousseau had even asked the latter to admit him to 
the Holy Communion, and the Pastor was only too 
overjoyed to receive the erring sheep back into the 
fold of the Church. 

But on Christmas Eve Jean Jacques sent Montmollin 
a copy of his "Lettres de la Montagne," and forth- 
with became, in the shepherd's eyes, a wolf in sheep's 

Montmollin yielded to the pressure put upon him 
by Geneva and the Neuchatel Classe, and all the more 
willingly as in Rousseau he saw a friend and protege of 
Milord Marechal, to whom he owed a great grudge for 
not recommending him, as we have seen, for the vacant 


Again the principality re-echoed with religious war- 
fare. Again two parties formed : one for orthodox 
religion, led by the Classe with its claims to supremacy 
and flushed with the victory over Petitpierre. The 
other, an enlightened minority who saw the royal 
authority menaced by the persecution of one who was 
living under its special protection. These included the 
Attorney-General Meuron, Abram Pury, Rousseau's 
summer neighbours at Motiers, a fellow botanist; 
Dupuyrou of Neuchatel, with his East Indian fortunes ; 
and Colonel Chaillet ; all these kindred spirits with 
Jean Jacques and his very good friends, were also in 
Milord's eyes some of the saving remnant of the Neu- 

In favour of Pastor Montmollin, now for twenty years 
at Motiers, where he had acquired much influence, it 
must be said that he was not a particularly narrow- 
minded man. He had lived for two years on excellent 
terms with Jean Jacques, and he even lent his coach to 
bear Therese Levasseur to her devotions at the Roman 
Catholic Church. But he was probably weak, and had 
certainly acted somewhat inconsiderately in so easily 
admitting Jean Jacques to his fold. Not immune from 
that " small vanity, the prevailing foible of your little 
country," as Rousseau himself puts it to the Neu- 
chatelois, Montmollin was probably worked up by 
others. His great ally in his own parish Consistory 
was a drunken blacksmith, but the story of their 
carousing together is probably a blasphemy of the 

Poor Jean Jacques felt himself again in peril, and 
cast about for another refuge. He lost no time in 
sending an account of his woes to his bon Milord, 
whose absence at this crisis he lamented more than 


" January 26, 1765. 

" I had hoped, milord, to finish my days here in peace ; I feel 
that it is not possible. Though I live in every safety in this country 
under the protection of the King, I am too near Geneva and Bern, 
who will not leave me in peace. You know to what a use they 
judge it right to put religion. ... I must fly, despite my woes. . . . 
But where shall I go ? On this, milord, I consult you. ... I only 
see two countries to chose from, England or Italy. ... I should 
rather like to stay at Venice . . . but, though Jesus forbade his 
disciples vengeance, St. Mark does not plume himself upon obedience 
to that precept. . . . See, milord, if in these circumstances your 
paternal care can imagine something to save me from going under 
lock and key. . . ." 

" POTSDAM, 8 February, 1765. 

" I am in great trouble about what you write to me about your 
situation and the annoyances which have happened to you, and 
which will be prosecuted with a theological hatred which will not 
soften ; I do not know what to say to you, what to advise you. I 
foresaw the storm, and I did what I could to place you under shelter. 
I do not know if my advice has been followed, that does not depend 
on me, nor on those with you. ... I hoped you would have en- 
joyed repose in your mountain. I am sorry to see that you will not 
have any, or rather I very much fear so. I think and think as to 
what is to be done. You only see England and Venice for a refuge ; 
England, you say, is too dear to live in, and the journey too costly 
for your body and your purse. To go from your Mountain to London 
will cost you in all expenses twenty guineas ; ten per head in the 
coach ; it is a fixed price. One can live cheaply enough in the provinces 
remote from London, especially in Wales and in Cornwall, and in 
the latter the climate is so mild that myrtles flourish in the open air. 
My good friend, if you were not wilder than the savages of Canada 
something could be done among them if I had killed more game 
than I could eat or carry away, I should say to the first passer-by, 
' Here is some game.' He would carry it oft, but Jean Jaques would 
leave it; so I am right in saying that he is too much of a savage. 
Let us talk about something else, of Venice ; it is the country 
that would suit you best if you were safe there. I have talked to a 
friend of mine, who is also a very good friend of yours, and has some 
among the State Inquisitors ; he will write by the first courier to 
sound them about you. I told him I would vouch for you, body for 


body, that you would certainly not write anything to offend the 
Government whose protection you enjoyed. The worst is that time 
presses ; you will see what the Neuchatelois are like ; they catch fire 
like straw ; perhaps they may calm down when they see that you 
are silent. They have written to the Court ; that will give time ; but 
I fear that that is all that you can hope for in that question. You 
have friends at Zurich I am aware, but I do not know if there you 
would have a good refuge. I have said nothing to you of Scotland ; 
the climate there is too severe, and there is much bigotry among the 
ministers. Otherwise I could give you a couple of rooms in a pretty 
place where one can live almost for nothing. Let us see what we can 
and ought to do. I say we because we are as interested about it 
one as the other. Good night. I embrace you affectionately. 

"... Yesterday I received a letter from M. Meuron and two 
from M. Chaillet ; they tell me that the Council of State has not 
sent your affair to the Court as they told me, and they tell me that 
the Ministers and the Ministraux are growing quite furious. If 
the Court decided to support you (of which I do not see the faintest 
sign) the combustion will go on increasing, and the issue is very 
uncertain about all this, and, with the uncertainty about Venice, my 
advice is that you start for England, in order to show that you are 
doing what you can for the quiet of the land. I will tell you, more- 
over, that, if the Court took up your case firmly, it would be the 
surest way of alienating, I do not say all your friends in the country, 
but for certain a great number of them. They would make out a case 
of privilege over it ; they would believe and call themselves Brutuses, 
who were sacrificing their sons to the liberty of the country. They 
proved their strength in the matter of Petitpierre. Go to Scotland 
or to England, and do not persist in living with mad people. I 
have taken the liberty of offering you 50 Louis in case you are out 
of cash, and, that that may not delay you, you can return me at 
your Jeisure. Shew these fools that you have no need of them. 
England is far better. Good night." 

Another wail from Rousseau, panic-stricken, crossed 
the above. 

" 11 February, 1765. 

" You are partly aware, milord, of what is happening to me : the 
burning at the Hague, the forbidding at Bern, all that is preparing 
at Geneva ; but you cannot know all. Such constant misfortunes, 


such a universal animosity, begin to overwhelm me completely. . . . 
Thanks to the protection of the King and yourself, my person is 
safe against their attacks ; but it is not against their annoyances, 
which they make me feel very much. ... One of the torments 
of my life is to have sometimes to complain of people you like and to 
praise those you do not like. How dear to me would be those here 
who are attached to you, if only they would not rebuff my zeal ! but 
your kindness to me makes many jealous of me here ; and, when 
opportunity occurs, they do not hide their hate very much. May it 
increase continually at the same price ! My good Ermetulla, guard 
our father carefully : if I lost him I should be the most wretched 
of mortals . . . the neighbourhood of Geneva becomes daily more 
unbearable to me ; I try to get away at any price ; there is nothing 
left for me but two refuges, England and Italy. But England is too 
far off, and is too dear to live in ; neither my body nor my purse 
could stand the journey. Italy is left, and especially Venice, where 
the climate and the Inquisition are milder than in Switzerland ; 
but St. Mark, though an apostle, never forgave, and I have said 
much evil of his children. However, I think in the end I will run the 
risks, for I prefer prison and peace to liberty and war." 

Earl Marischall to Hume 

"POTSDAM, 20th Feb. 1765. 

" Yours came very late for the desire I had, and always will have, 
to hear from you and of you ; but in full time for my house, of which 
the building has long been at a stand from the first, which still 
continues. I am sorry poor Jean Jacques cannot live quiet in his 
mountain, but is attacked by Voltaire ; nothing is more just than 
your comparison of the two combatants. Both will receive wounds 
and hurt without victory, which will be ascribed (as usual) to each 
by their partisans. I have not seen the Lettres de la Campagne. 
Those de la Montague are in answer to the first ; so J. J. is not the 

" I wrote some time ago to my Lady Stanhope. As I have no 
answer, I am in fear for the health of her son, or that she is removed 
from Geneva. Tell M r d'Alembert that I choose the second 
inscription ; for, though I have one cow, and shall soon have two, 
my horse is not enough agrestis ; I have no field. He does too 
much honour to my billet to be so much pleased with it. His 
inscription will be towards the garden, and towards Sans Souci, to- 


wards the court, Deus ndbis hw otia fecit, which you will approve 
as being more orthodox, for the Dii may appear rather somewhat 
Paganish, which, you know, all good Christians avoid ; therefore 
I place the Deus by way of explanation of Dii. I thank you for 
the verses enclosed, and think there is more imagination in the 
Chevalier's than in Voltaire's. In one of mine, the other day, to 
Madame Geoffrin, T forgot my respects to Madame du Plessis 
Chatillon, for whom I have a very particular respect, as I have 
for her sister and for her father. I took a most solid and everlasting 
dislike to Maupertuis (but this only to you) for his saying, at the 
death of M r de Torcy, ' Voila Mde D'Aussonne delivre d'un grand 
fardeau, c'etoit le plus petit ga^on quel j'aie jamais connu.' 

" M r de Torcy was a man of sense and virtue, affable, com- 
plaisant, and had great regard and tenderness for his children, as 
they had for their father. Such a saying of Maupertuis could only 
come from an exceeding bad heart. We flatter ourselves to see 
Mr. Helvetius before the middle of April. I shall be obliged to you 
if you will send me, by him, half an ounce of seed of lettuce Batavia, 
and as much of endive. There lives a gardener, Julien, who served 
me, in one Faubourg, going by la Porte aux choux. When you 
walk on the ramparts you may take a turn towards his garden, and 
get the seeds. Adieu. I am ever yours." 

" Lord M IPs compliments to Mr. Hume : he left for him, 

and for him only, a paper sealed, in the hands of Professor Adam 

Ferguson. Tell him the ambassade to P r J n to marry the 

heiress, which cost M. Duret 50,000 ecus. 

" I told you that of Peru. I think this may be added by way of 
supplement, to a certain history. 

"As we have from hence seldom occasion of gentlemen going to 
Scotland, and that you have often from Paris, I desire you will do 
me the favour to forward my old baton of Marischall to the Marischall 
College of Aberdeen, and at the same time make them my compli- 
ments ; hoping they will receive the useless present as still a mark 
of regard and affection." 


IN the spring of 1765 the hierarchy of Neuchatel fell 
upon the luckless philosopher with all the energy and 
zeal with which their victory a few years previously 
over one of their own errant leaders had inspired them. 

The Venerable Classe summoned Rousseau to appear 
before them and answer for his pernicious book. Fail- 
ing to induce him to retract, Pastor Montmollin cited 
Jean Jacques before the Parish Consistory of Motiers, 
in order to give an account of his belief. Jean Jacques' 
natural reserve and shyness made him quite unable 
to face the ordeal of even this village tribunal, 
though he had committed to memory an excellent 
speech he had prepared in his own defence. He wished 
" he could have had his pen in his mouth." 

Montmollin, exasperated, preposed that the de- 
linquent should be excommunicated. But Martinet, 
Squire of Motiers and local justice, took up the cudgels 
for his friend. He was supported by four of the 
" elders " of the village, and a majority prevailed for 
Rousseau against the Pastor and his henchman and 
boon-companion, the drunken blacksmith. 

Martinet warned Montmollin, and through him the 
Classe, against the persecution of one who was under 
the special favour of the King. And, indeed, at the 
end of March came a fulmination from Frederic, a bolt 



from Berlin doubtless forged by old Milord. By royal 
decree Jean Jacques was to be left in peace, his book 
not to be proceeded against ; but, on the other hand, 
the pastors were to prevent any spread of doctrines 
contrary to those pertaining to the land. 

The Earl Marischall kept his friend Hume informed 
of the proceedings in Neuchatel against their mutual 
friend : 

" SANS Soucr, ce 22 Mars, 1765. 

" Vous voyez sans doute souvent Madame de Boufflers. Offrez 
lui mes respects, et consultez avec elle sur le parti qui paroitre le 
plus couvenable a notre ami Monsieur Rousseau, attaquee avec 
une haine theologole par les ministres soi-disants de le parole de 
Dieu. On parle de faire un auto-da-fe, non seulement de ses ouvrages, 
mais aussi de sa personne. II y a une tres-digne Sacro Gorgon qui 
a jure, Mort Dieu ! Je renounce au paradis si je ne mets le feu au 
bucher de cet impie. Les ministres applaudisent a ce saint zele, 
et sans la protection du Roi il court risque d'etre brule ad majorum 
Dei gloriam, et pour rejouir, et pour consoler les bonnes ames 
chretiennes. La protection meme du Roi irritera de plus en plus 
ses ennemis, et pourroit detacher plusieurs de ses amis. On leur 
fera envisager T affaire comme un attentat a leurs privileges. Les 
ministres selon les pacta conventa doivent etre les seuls juges en matiere 
de discipline de FEglise, ceci est un cas pareil a ce qui arriva a 
1'egard du nomme Petit Pierre, qui fut classe nonobstant la protec- 
tion de la Cour, et cela par idee des privileges. Je vois deja deux 
personnes sur qui Mr. Rousseau comptoit avoir tourne casaque et 
d'amis devenir ennemis, si on donne la tournure de liberte et privileges 
a soutenir les ministres, il ne restera guerre d'amis au notre. II ne 
sera jamais plus en repos parmi ces enrages. Je lui ai conseille 
d'aller a Venise ou en Angleterre. J'ai meme fait ecrire a Venise 
pour savoir s'il seroit en surete de 1'Inquisition d' Etat, s'il y peut 
aller, c'est le meilleur pays pour lui : si ce chemin lui est ferme, 
1'Angleterre lui reste. En Cornwall et vers Plymouth le climat 
est tres doux. Les myrtes viennent eu plein champ, et on y vit 
a bon marche. Je vous prie de raisonner sur tout ceci avec Madame 
de Boufflers, et de lui ecrire Tun et 1'autre. Adieu. Je vous 
embrasse de tout mon coeur. 



" Outre que je serai fort fache qu'on brulet mon ami J. J. 1'exemple 
ne me plait pas, si on veut faire le meme a tous ceux qui ne sont 
pas orthodoxes, selon les pretes, je courrerai risque encore d'autres. 
Bon soir." 

Milord also wrote his mind to Colonel Chaillet: 

" I gather that, in order not to be excommunicated, M. Rousseau 
wished to settle matters with the Pastors, but that they would have 
none of this heretic in their fold, and that is what you mean to say 
by ' giving him his liberty.' I have never been excommunicated 
except by the Pope, which does not do any harm or any good ; it 
is a very innocent operation, ceremonially performed by His Holiness 
every Holy Thursday ; but if among you excommunicated people 
are burnt, as sorcerers used to be, it is a serious matter ; and even 
if an excommunicated person is declared by law to be civilly dead, 
it is to be dreaded. That was formerly the law in Scotland, but 
revoked many years ago. What a delight for a big minister to 
excommunicate, in either of these cases, some one whose opinion 
differed in the slightest from his own ! For instance, to deliver to 
all the Devils for all eternity the tall Chaillet ; then, because Quod 
cito datur bis datur, to hand him over to Sacrogorgon to be roasted 
ad major em Dei gloriam. This privilege of the Classe, would it not 
become an unwritten law ? It is enough to burn one, and then a 
precedent is established." 

The King's decree having for the time being pro- 
duced a truce in the persecution of Jean Jacques, the 
old friend in Berlin set to work to endeavour to secure 
an asylum for him in some safer country than Neu- 
chatel. In far-away Potsdam he sat thinking out plans 
and working the wires in Venice, England, Scotland, 
and Silesia. 

By Andrie, the late tutor to Prince Frederic Henry of 
Prussia, on whom Frederic had bestowed the ancient 
seigneurie in Neuchatel of Gorgier which had just 
fallen in, and who was about to repair to his new pos- 
sessions, Milord sent advice and instructions. 


" POTSDAM, March 13, 1765. 

" This will be given to you by M. Andrie, not only a sensible 
man, but a man of honesty such as is seldom found, especially at a 
Court ; therefore I make no excuse for introducing him to your 
acquaintance ; you do not avoid men, but you stand apart for fear 
of meeting wolves disguised as men, which is not to be feared with 
him ; he has with pleasure undertaken to give me news of you, and 
to render you any service in his power in seeking for you a new 
habitation if the severe climate drives you from the Val de Travers. 
He will also give you news of me. It will not be much ; I am nearly 
always at my fireside with some book, and I do not leave my room 
except to go upstairs to a meal. Directly the season grows milder, 
I shall go and work in my garden. One of my most constant 
occupations, and my pleasantest, is to think of my friend Jean 
Jaques whom I embrace heartily." 

" 27th March, 1766. 

" You will have seen by my letters, and heard by M. Andrie, how 
much I think about you and wish you were in a place of tranquility 
to have Placidam sub libertate quietum, which you will never have 
among the Neuchatel heads. ... I know no one at the Court of 
Turin except Count Sarvivane, a man of mind and of merit ; I think 
him somewhat devout, and his wife as bigoted as a woman. I will 
write to him to see if he can assure you a retreat in Savoy. England 
is the country where all the world can live quietly if they do nothing 
against the written laws (for, as for the unwritten ones, it is only in 
Neufchatel that they are current). I have given you a note for Mr. 
Pannock, Priest, but who will make it a duty to do you service ; he 
is a good gentleman of the land of Cornwall. I think one can live 
there very cheaply and the myrtles live in the open fields. Then 
there is the Isle of Guernsey. French is spoken there. The Messrs. 
Stuart have a house there, and would be very pleased, both Father 
and Son, to be able to be of use to you ; they are honourable people. 

" Now I have to scold you for having been so delicate as not to 
wish to recommend me to M. Montmollin ; the friendship he then 
professed for you would have made me forget some faults. I do 
not claim that all the world shall be Jean Jaques's. One must forgive 
them some thievishness when opportunity occurs ; it would be too 
much for them to be always resisting it. One must look upon it as 
inadvertences, and when one lives in the world let the world go it8 
own way. All that one can do is to stand aside as much as one can ; 


but yet one cannot ; one is so bound by society that one cannot 
avoid having to do with fools and thieves of which this lower world 
is so full. You experience this more than any one ; one cannot deny 
that you are a worthy man, but you are in contradiction with the 
great Ostervald. Let us burnhim in Turkey. Jean Jaques is a virtuous 
man ; it is a pity he does not believe that the Prophet took a journey 
to Paradise for his donkey. Let us let him live according to his belief ; 
that is what the Turks would say. Leave the Neufchatel fools ; and 
think of England. There is not in the world a place like it for a Philo- 
sopher's retreat, nor a people who have such a generous and human 
ground work. You can believe a Scotsman about this, because, if 
any people have to complain of the English, we have. Bon Soir. 

" In my youth there were counties in England where a master, 
his man and a horse, were lodged and fed for twelve guineas a year. 
Everything is much dearer since that time, but I think cheap places 
to live in may still be found. 

" P.S. I have just written a letter to the Count of Sarvivana, 
to try and get leave for you to live in Savoy. ... I have told him 
that if the King of Sardinia grants you this favour I shall receive it 
as if done to myself. To cheer you up a little I will tell you a little 
story of my friend, the caustic Sarvivana. 

'"He was at the Opera at Paris ; the Governor of Paris came and 
sat in the same box. He asks Sarvivana how he likes the opera ? 
' Very well,' he says. ' Does the music please you ? ' ' Monsieur, I 
do not understand it. I am a foreigner ; I have no ear for French 
music. 5 ' What, Monsieur, does not the music go straight to your 
heart ? ' ' No, it goes straight to my stomach ! ' Imagine the 
surprise of a Frenchman at such a reply." 

From Sans Souci, on March 28th, 1765, Milord 
wrote to Finkenstein with reference to the persecution 
of Bousseau, and his excommunication by the Classe 
and the Consistory, that 

'* All the troubles of this country come from the town of Neu- 
chatel and from the Classe of Pastors, who join hands in order to 
annihilate the King's authority and enhance their own. . . . The 
King could permit any printing, as he appointed the printers. The 
publisher had already gone to some expense, and would be ruined if 
he were not allowed to bring out the book." 



To a friend in Scotland, from Alexander Bur net 

" POTZDAM, lih March, 1765. 

" I write this in Lord Marischall's Appartment in the Palace in 
order to recommend to you, by His Lordship's Desire, an affair 
which he has very much at heart. The Inhabitants of Neufchatel, 
stirred up and exasperated by the Clergy, are persecuting the good 
innocent Jean Jaques Rousseau in such a cruel, barbarous, and in- 
human manner that it is a shame to the age we live in. Their Minds 
are wrought up to such a degree of Enthusiasm against him that 
his Life is in the greatest Danger ; they talk of nothing but roasting, 
Torturing him, and in short making an Auto di Fea of him. As 
the Court here granting Protection to him would only serve to add 
Fuel to the Fire, My Lord has advised him, both for maintaining 
the Peace and Tranquillity of that Country and for his own Security, 
to leave that part of the world as soon as possible, and says either 
to England or Scotland. He is extremely uncertain what Resolution 
he may take, but if he does not quit the Territories of Neufchatel 
without Loss of Time he must fall a victim to those mad, wrong- 
headed People. In case he should go to England he has wrote to 
his Friends in London, Recommending them to their Care. If he 
should go to Scotland His Lordship desires me to send the enclosed 
Note to you, by which you will see His Lordship's intentions, that 
you will give the proper Orders and read the Note to Bailley Bruce ; 
His Lordship desires best Compliments to you and hopes that, 
setting his Recommendation aside, you will, out of the regard you 
have for Honesty and Virtue, receive poor Jean Jaques in the 
kindest manner and do him every service in your Power. It will, 
in my opinion, be an Honour to our Country to afford an Asylum to 
such a man. There is nothing new here worth mentioning since 
my last to you, and my situation is still the same. I beg leave to 
offer my Duty to Mama and Love to my sisters, and I ever am, 
" My dear Father, 

" Your most loving and affectionate, Son, 


" P.S. Excuse the hurry with which I write. The King has 
sent for His Lordship to dinner. I had scarce time to sign my 


" Copy of a letter written at Potsdam the 8th of March to 
be sent the Wth to H. E. M r Vicenzo Riva, Senator, 
and of the Council of Ten at Venice. 


" M. Jean Jaques Rousseau, born a citizen of Geneva, is too 
celebrated by his works to be unknown to Y. E. The freedom and 
strength by which he expresses his ideas on education, Religion, 
and Sovereigns in his printed works have raised up against him the 
hatred and the persecution of the Clergy and of the most powerful 
of his fellow citizens, who, subverting the laws and constitutions 
of their Country, wish to reduce to Oligarchy their Republican 
Democracy. H.M. the King of Prussia received him in his Prin- 
cipality of Neuchatel, near the native city of the persecuted man ; 
but that vicinity just renders it impossible for him to enjoy that 
tranquility which the King intended to secure him in his dominions. 
Moreover, infirmities do not allow of his moving to those countries ; 
his great delicacy and valetudinarianism demand a milder climate. 
He therefore wishes to retire from them ; but, as he has openly 
written in his Contrat Social of the Aristocracy, his great and power- 
ful Protector will not consent that he thus retires without being 
assured of being able to live quietly and safely. The Lord Marischall 
of Scotland, Mr. Keith, a great personage, well known in your 
country, promises and responds for his silence in future on Religious 
and Political matters. The honesty, the great eminence of moral 
virtue, the pleasing character of this illustrious philosopher, are 
equally well known, as is the sublimity of his mind and the force of 
his pen ; therefore he is revered by all good men as the Socrates 
of his Century. Therefore I heartily implore Y. E., as member of 
the Supreme Council of Ten, to deign to acquaint me candidly if 
the aforesaid M. Rousseau could take refuge with you and finish his 
days in safety and peace. 

" The potency of your intercession, led by the benevolent humanity 
of your soul, could obtain a declaration from Their Excellencies 
the Inquisitors of the State which they would perhaps render 
official with a safe-conduct, and in the manner that the views, 
hopes, and honesty of Y. E. would find most suitable for the intention. 
Perhaps the above-mentioned work, the Contrat, is not known in 
your country, and therefore the wished-for effects of the good offices 
of Y. E. would be rendered more easy to carry out. 


" I have indicated and stated to you to proceed openly and 
prevent any surprises in dealing with a most revered Patron whom 
I natter myself that I have in the person of Y. E., etc." 

Milord to Chaillet 

"Aprils, 1765. 

" One must adopt oneself to circumstances, my good friend. 

"If M. Rousseau can find anywhere better to go, I quite agree 
that he goes and finds rest, and lives among quiet people. I hope 
he may find it. My advice, if it is not good, is not the less sincere ; I 
shall not run the risk of being roasted by Sacrogorgon, nor by 
being excommunicated (in petto, as perhaps I was). I had honest 
people I loved as friends, yet I spoke like a Gascon did in speaking to 
me about his town : * Cadedis ! I shall put the globe of the earth 
between myself and that town.' I have done very wisely in choosing 
a retreat for my old age, as they would not let me live in peace in 
Neufchatel, and I advise J. J. to do the same. If you had no ties, 
ho ! Cadedis, you would be far away ! " 

He adds three days later : 

" I have received yours of 28th March, and shall be very eager 
to know what the Consistory have done. I have no doubt that they 
have proceeded vigorously against M. Rousseau. I send you a line 
in order to have some explanations of the excommunications ; you 
can reply at your leisure. . . . You see M. Martinet has done his 
best ; give him my compliments." 

Milord to Jean Jacques Rousseau 

" SANS SouciE, April 11, 1765. 

" We have another refuge offered to you this morning very 
warmly and graciously, where, unless you take it into your head to 
steal or murder, you will have every freedom, and, as you will not 
have that fancy, there you are in safety. The King said to me, 
Why does he not come here, if they continue to annoy him where he is ? 
I replied that I doubted if your health would allow of it. Think about 
it. In Silesia one can live very cheaply ; there is a General Zeidlitz 
there who, to the courage of ten Lions, joined the gentleness of ten 
lambs ; his heart so sympathetic that he could not read the history 
of the expulsion of the Moors from Granada which had been lent him, 
as^the cruelty of the story made him suiter so. He is honesty 


personified, and has a mind. He is quartered in Silesia ; it is too 
dear to live here. Zeidlitz will find you a retreat where you will not 
be tormented by fools ; he knows what they are worth, for he loves 
quietness almost as much as you do. Think over it, and choose 
when you have had the reply from Turin and Venice. . . . 

" On my part Silesia or England ; but you must consult your 
purse for England, and your strength for the journey for one and the 

" Midnight, 12 April, 1765. 

" I congratulate you with all my heart on being for the time out 
of the claws of the Sacrogorgons. I always felt sure that the squire 
would behave like a gentleman and I am very much endebted to 
Colonel Pury to have helped you so zealously. I want to know the 
names of the elders who were not intimidated nor seduced by the 
Classe. Is it not amusing to hear that the voice of one Lama is 
counted as that of two laymen ? it is a gentle little beginning of 
Infallibility. Two witnesses are enough to hang a man ; one Lama 
counts for two ; ergo, a Lama can hang whom he will. Bravo, 

" No reply from Venice ; they are consulting the Ten. All the 
better ; we have time now, and are not in such a hurry to leave. 
Stay and be quiet, and see if they leave you in peace, before you 
take an irrevocable step. What the King's Ministers wrote to the 
Council of State unfavourably about your works was without the 
King's knowledge, although intitled, * By the King's Express Order, 
I have warned Meuron to say nothing about it. Good night. 
The courier is leaving." 

" SANS Souci, April 20, 1765. 

" I send you a copy of the reply from Venice ; you will see he is a 
sensible man, who wishes to serve you. I did a foolish thing in 
saying Venice when I wrote ; I should have said the state of Venice, 
which is what is open to you according to the writer of the letter, 
who is one of the Council of Ten. My ffiend, my fears are over ; we 
are now safe from the Sacrogorgons ; there is Silesia, a safe country 
and cheap, where General Zeidlitz is, of whom I have not said half 
enough good. He has an estate there, all covered with forests, in 
which you can hide yourself ; there is at Breslau a Canon of the 
Church Abbe Bastiani, who does justice to your worth ; and com- 
plete safety. In short, we have the State of Venice, Silesia, England, 
perhaps Savoy, and Metiers if you wish to stay there. . , . 


" I wish to know if the Devil takes a sinner because of his sins, 
or if he takes an excommunicated person as a free gift of the Classe. 
In the first case excommunication is a mockery, but in the second 
excommunication is to be dreaded ; that is to say, if the Classe can 
make a present to the devil of whom it likes. If they excom- 
municated in Petto, as the Pope makes Cardinals, and if that ex- 
communication is valid, we are both of us in a bad plight." 

" SANS Souoi, 30 April, 1765. 

"... I am very pleased with many people, with the Council 
of State, with Messrs. Chaillet, Meuron, Martinet, Pury, Peyrou, and 
also with the elders who upheld their rights and yours against the 
Lama who claimed that his vote was worth two. 

" Let the Prince of Wurtemberg know how flattered I am by 
the good opinion with which he honours me. I only go on in the 
way in which I was brought up, that of a wild man of the Mountains 
of Scotland. If that is rare, all the worse for it. 

" Now we are at rest, certainly for at least a considerable time, 
let us think where we can go. Let me tell you that, besides the 
house which the King has built for me, I have made a purchase 
of another next door, in order to enlarge my garden, and to give me 
more room for my poultry yard and stabling for my two cows, and 
my goat, hens, etc. ; here is another retreat. I have far more lodging 
than I need ; the garden is already planted and sown. Fish is 
cheap here ; the garden will yield vegetables and fruit. I will not 
insult our friendship by offering it you. I count upon it that, if it 
suited you, you would take possession of it, and nota bene the garden 
is separated from that of my new house. 

" You tell me that you will not go to England because there are 
Ministers there. You will find Lamas from China to the Orcades. 
Where they have least power is in this country ; they bury, marry, 
baptize, and on Sundays administer a soporific to the few who go 
to hear them ; but they dare not interfere in affairs as elsewhere. 

" M. Andrie thinks himself very happy to have made your 
acquaintance ; he told Prince Henry how delighted he was. This 
young Prince, as well as his elder brother, sincerely are interested 
in all that concerns you. I must not forget that M. Helvetius speaks 
to me about you with respect and friendship. Bon soir. 

" If Mile le Vasseur knows how to make gooseberry jelly it would 
be a good thing for the parish. 

" I have been dreaming all the morning about your place of 


refuge. You could not, I fear, be as you would like here ; too many 
people want to know you, and when they know you they will want 
to see you often, Princes, Princesses, Generals, Ladies, Savants, 
demi-savants ; in short, every one. You would have to see them or 
quarrel with every one ; you could not choose among them. Venice is 
a good climate, but you would not be as secure as at Cleves. The 
Westphalians are good folk ; they would be content with their ham 
and their sauercraut ; you get them by the Rhine. My savage, 
Zeidlitz (the next Savage after Jean Jaques, and I claim to be the 
third) has a large forest, as I have already said. I do not know what 
to advise. We are in Vembarras des richesses ; my little cottage 
would have this advantage, that, in case of any misfortune happening, 
Mile le Vasseur would have for life a roof and a garden for herself ; 
the garden would furnish her with vegitables all the year round. 
Bon soir. 

"Now, you are a good Savage; you know that all these kind 
people are reasonable enough to share with their neighbour the 
game of which they have too much, and quite as simply as they 
share the air. I am very pleased with you, and with good reason ; 
you look upon me as of the same race. 

" Prince Henry is keenly interested in your favour ; those that I 
have told you of, without counting a number of others, are well 
worth the Four Ministers, their Chief Tipstaff, and even the Lamas, 
even if they have two votes. If we count votes we have undeniably 
the majority, and it seems to me also in weight, if the Lamas and 
the Tipstaff will excuse, though I confess the Tipstaff is a unique 

Jean Jacques was overflowing with gratitude. He 
hastened to pass on to his beloved Milord the nice 
things he heard said of him. 

" 6 April, 1765. 

" . . . It would be ungrateful of me not to tell you of the zeal 
which M. Chaillet has put into all this business, and of the vigourous 
and at the same time prudent energy with which M. Meuron has 
arranged it. Able to act and to speak in the King's name and 
yours, by virtue of the position you put him in, he, without offending 
any one, has brought the whole Council of State round to his 
opinion. . , , 

W1k Q 


" When I received your letter of 10th of March with the little 
numbered notes which accompanied it, I felt my heart so affected 
by this tender care on your part that I unburdened myself to M. the 
Prince Louis of Wurtemberg, a man of rare merit, chastened by 
misfortunes, who honours me with his correspondence. This is his 
reply ; I pass it on to you word for word : ' I have never doubted for a 
moment that the King of Prussia would support you ; but you 
make me love milord-marechal : please impart to him all the hearty 
feeling with which this worthy man inspires me. Never any one 
before him contrived to make such an honourable record for the 
human race.'" 

Milord to Rousseau 

" 10 May, 1765. 

" As for some days past I am thinking continually about my friend 
J. J., and am working to serve him, I write in scraps and, to make 
the continuation of what I can do for your service easier, I have 
numbered my rough copies in the order in which they are to be 

" I have the pleasure of telling you that the King has openly 
declared his wish to support and protect you ; he is very far off. 
A bad blow is soon given by a fanatic ; a business handed over to a 
Minister will go slowly ; the protection of the King will give you 
support with some, others he will deter. Privilege ! Privilege ! 
Privilege ! These lunatics will do business for this world and the 
next in persecuting you; calumnies, lies, false witness (for the glory 
of God) everything will be used. I persist in my opinion of quitting 
the country. Therefore I send you note No. 2, and the letter to 
George Burnet, Esquire, at his house of Kenny near mine at Keith- 
hall ; you have also a copy of one at Venice, where I hope you will 
be in complete safety. If you leave it seems to me that you will 
do well to write and thank the King for his protection and his 
kindness in continuing it, but that you want to avoid anything 
which might cause disturbances in the country, etc. As you know 
how to put this much better than I can, I only offer the outline. 
If the King offers you a refuge in his Silesian State what do you 
think about that ? I will write to you as I hear anything that might 
concern you. Adieu." 

" May 11, 1765. 

" We must strike out of our reckoning Savoy. I have an answer 
from Turin ; never mind, we are embarrassed in our choice, and I 


am very sorry that your health does not allow you to choose. The 
Couvet people, they say, will have the preference ; it would seem 
that they deserve it. They will have many envy them over their 
good luck. 

" Here is a paragraph in the Gazette of Utrecht at Paris, the 
26th April. 

" ' The State Council of Neufchatel has just stayed judgment 
of all the proceedings of the Consistory of M6tiers Travers against 
M r J. J. Rousseau ; this Consistory took into its head that this 
eloquent author was Antichrist, and wished to excommunicate him 
in order to purge, they said, Eeligion and the State.' 

" The Gazeteer should do the Consistory justice. J. J. was 
Antichrist only according to the Reverend Pastor and a few of his 
colleagues the Lamas. Good night. I embrace you heartily." 

" POTSDAM, May 22, 1765. 

" Lo que no Tiara el Demonio Kara un Frayle : 

" A Spanish proverb which is also quoted in German of a minister, 
and which has just been verified by Sacrogorgon. 

" I hope now the storm is over you will have done more good 
than harm, especially if I can persuade the King's Ministers to 
write as they should, to the country. What worries me is the 
fear lest the edition of your works not being printed at Neuchatel 
you will lack necessary means ; for, item, one must eat, and one cannot 
live on acorns in this iron age. You would make me much easier 
than I am, and it seems to me that you should do so ; you have 
already made a little beginning and I feel it very much and am 
grateful, by moving house. You call me your father, you are a 
man of truth ; may I not exact from you, by the authority which 
this title gives me, that you allow me to give my son fifty pounds 
sterling as an annuity ? Emetulle is rich ; Ilbrahim has a little 
income secured ; Stepan the same, and Motcho also ; if my beloved 
son had something settled on him for life I should have nothing 
more to wish for in this world, nor any anxiety in leaving it ; it only 
rests with you to add enormously to my happiness. Should you 
be easy were you in doubt if I had bread in my old age ? put your- 
self in my place ; do unto others as you would they should do unto 
you ; do not you think the link of friendship is as strong as that 
of a distant relationship which is often chimerical ? I feel it so. I 
have no longer any of my family left ; an estate which I have 
bringing in an income of nearly thirty thousand pounds a year 


with a good house, furnished, goes to a relation who has also an 
estate of his own which brings in an income of nearly 40,000 pounds. 
I have, further, a small estate of my own, and considerable cash. I 
should like to charge my estate with fifty pounds a year for you ; 
nothing is safe but land. Be kind, indulgent, generous, and make 
your friend happy. Adieu. 

" I approve of your taking refuge at Cressier ; Lamas are Lamas 
everywhere, but, not being of their congregation, they would have 
less hold on you. I was quite comfortable in Spain as a heretic 
among the Spanish lamas ; the Inquisition was far less formidable 
to me than to others. I remember that a box of books sent me 
by sea was sent to the Inquisition to be passed, and I chanced to 
meet the Grand Inquisitor. I begged him to let me have them, 
saying that, even if there were some not very orthodox, it was all the 
same to me, an open heretic ; that, moreover, I would not lend any 
such books to any one. He complemented me on my good feeling, 
and said he would order my books to be sent to me without any 
examination, adding, We have a great many that no one dares to claim ; 
if you would like them, I will make you a present of them. I was 
satisfied with my own. Good night. 

" I see Abbe Bastiana is very anxious for a letter (either to himself 
or to me, I think it would be best to me) that he may send to his 
friend in Venice. Your letters are gold ; they are diamonds and 
rubies. I am going to study the Apocalypse to see why Jean 
Jaques is designated as the Antichrist. ... I told the King of the 
good and firm action of the four elders, and also of the claim of the 
minister, that his voice counted as that of two laymen. 

" P.S. I have searched the Apocalypse ; I did not find you in it. 
There is the beast sitting on seven mountains. I have no doubt 
that in your walks you have been on four mountains ; is that the 
Sacrogorgon's proof ?" 

Milord to Rousseau 

" Juin 22, 1765. 

" . . . Let us imitate the sailors, who, after the storm, smoke 
their pipes and sing and do nothing. We have good reason to say 
a Te Deum ; it is not a light thing to have got out of the clutches 
of Sacrogorgon. 

" I think you will be best at Cressier. . . . You will be near 
enough to the mountains and the woods to hide in them in case 


of an invasion of bothering people, which will probably happen 
to you wherever you go. Bon jour. 

" I thank you, Mademoiselle, for your good intentions. I have 
some one here to make jam for me ; yours would not be sweet if 
they cost my friend so much trouble. I regret his absence daily ; 
but he is best where he is." 

Milord to Rousseau 

" POTSDAM, 10 July, 1765. 

" . . . Do not put yourself out a moment to reply to my letters. 
I reckon on your friendship ; count on mine, and remember that I 
am very idle. I live almost alone at a Court ; I do not pay any 
visits or receive any ; I go no where except to dine with the King, 
not to supper ; and the afternoons in my garden. 

" I expect M. Andrie will have not been able to forgo the pleasure 
of going to see you before he left, and I am looking forward to his 
return to hear a hundred little details of the war of the Lamas, out 
of which, by the Grace of God, we have come out happily. I hear 
they wanted to make a third attack, but that the Rescript from 
the King to the Council of State caused them to desist ; that is to 
say, made them perceive that they would fail, for ill will was not 

"... The court of Brunswick is coming this morning, and the 
Duke of York at the same time ; fetes, balls, operas, etc., journeys 
to Charlottenburg, to Berlin. I had almost as lief be in a storm at 
sea, as in the tempest which rages over my head. I close my letter, 
as for the next fortnight I shall not have a moment to myself." 

Milord to Rousseau 

"POTSDAM, July 30th, 1765. 

" There is perhaps no one but you who had such a kind and 
feeling heart as to understand the pleasure you have given me and 
the grief you extricated me from in allowing yourself to be persuaded 
to agree to my offers. . . . Now that you are a good, obedient child, 
I wish to consult you as to how to arrange my affairs ... it seems 
best to me for me to buy this annuity through M. du Peyrou ; in 
this way you will only have to deal with him . . . and nothing to do 
with the lawyers, who, for the most part, are as dangerous as the 
Lamas. God, or rather the Devil, alone knows their trickeries. . . . 

" To my son J. J., a good child." 


A pen-war followed on the King's decree to the 
Classe. Dupeyrou, Colonel Fury's son-in-law, entered 
the lists with his " Letters from Goa " his father 
had been Chief Justice in Portuguese East Indies in 
defence of Rousseau. Feeling ran high among the 
village people against the philosopher. He was insulted 
in his rambles about the mountains, and finally he and 
his housekeeper were awoke one September night by a 
discharge of heavy stones through the balcony into 
their rooms. 

Jean Jacques, panic-stricken, thought he was about 
to be murdered. He fled from Neuchatel territory and 
buried himself in the Isle de Saint Pierre on the Lake 
of Bienne. 

Martinet, the local chdtelain and justice of the peace, 
set the arm of the law in motion. But his attempts 
to discover Rousseau's midnight assailants were not 
only thwarted at every turn, but efforts were made by 
Jean Jacques' enemies to show that the affair was the 
work of Therese herself, who was unpopular, ill at ease 
in an ambiguous position, and anxious to quit Motiers. 
It was suggested that the stones were larger than the 
holes they had made, and that the housekeeper herself 
had placed them in the balcony and then shouted 
" Murder ! " Finally, Martinet's life was threatened if 
he pursued his investigations. 

Milord took the matter very seriously, writing to 
Meuron, the Attorney-General : 

" Sept. 24, 1765. 

" I have yours, with the resolutions of the Council with reference 
to the attempt to assassinate M. Rousseau, incited by the seditious 
sermon of the angry minister ; if the Council does not prosecute this 
affair vigourously, there will be no more safety in the country. 
When the people become familiar with the idea of firing guns, when 
they begin to assassinate by night, when fanaticism steps in, if the 
law is not put vigorously in force, there will be no more security 


for any one, especially in a mountainous country, with woods, and 
where the frontier is only a step off, so to say. Your country, if 
you do not maintain order, will be cried down. I shall look on M. 
Montmollin as a little like the old Man of the Mountain in the time 
of the Crusades : he made his followers believe that by committing 
a murder to his orders they were gaining Paradise. M. Chaillet 
has written to me that he had advised M. Rousseau to go to the 
Island of the little lake. The King said at dinner yesterday : ' Let 
him come here, where I answer for it the priests will not worry him.' 
Which I beg you will tell my friend Jean- Jacques from me, and let 
him know that he has a peaceful refuge here always. I excused 
him on the score of health, to leave him all the more liberty to accept 
the King's offer or not. M. Catt also spoke to me wishing he would 
come here ; I made the same excuses of health and the climate, which 
is severe. I have no time to write to him to-day ; shew him this. 
Bon soir." 

Milord to Rousseau 

" POTSDAM, 7 Sept., 1765. 

"... Take care how you nestle into your island ; you run the 
risk of being swamped by inquisitive people and you have not got 
the mountain in your favour. ... I am much obliged to you 
for the portrait, which I like very much. ... I would like to 
have one in more than one room, in order to have my son always 
near me, as I have three of my daughter Emetulla." 

On receiving reports from official friends of what 
had occurred, Milord wrote again two weeks later : 

" POTSDAM, 20 Sep., 1765. 

" I have yours, with that for M. Andrie, and a description by M. 
Meuron of what has just happened at Metiers ; if this affair is not 
vigorously prosecuted no one will be able to live any longer in this 
country ; it would be better to go to the Kaffirs. I shall not make 
it a point of honour of letting the Sacrogorgons sharpen their arrows, 
any more than of allowing a mad dog to bar my path. At Couvet 
you would be too near Metiers ; you would be attacked by night just 
the same, though I am grateful to the honest folk who have invited 
you to go amongst them. ... It is true that the government is 
more settled in the Canton of Bern than in a land where there are 


written laws and unwritten laws ; but you have many friends among 
the first. . . ." 

Milord was only anxious to get Jean Jacques out of 
harm's way. But their mutual friends at Motiers, 
jealous for their country, and dreading their sovereign's 
displeasure lest Rousseau should be hounded out of the 
land, were of another opinion. His neighbour at 
Monlezi, Colonel Abram Pury, wrote to Jean Jacques 
as follows : 

" You have received, sir, a letter from Milord corresponding to 
that which he wrote to M. Chaillet, and in which he wished for your 
retreat from this country out of love of your repose. In the name 
of all you hold dear, do not think of anything of the sort. We 
implore you with deep feeling. Milord remarks that the King is 
annoyed by hearing of the annoyances to which you have been 
exposed in such a bare-faced and unjust manner. Your flight 
would rouse them, and you know that is what they seek. At the 
moment Milord wrote and thought that he only thought of your 
peace ; he forgot in favour of that interesting aim of the moment, 
the matter of one of his proceeding letters, the important subject 
of which stirred him deeply a week ago. As is well known, the 
character of Milord gives him a great aversion to squabbles and 
worries, makes him throw everything to the winds, without for the 
moment considering his impatience, without giving a glance to the 
present or the future. . . . You know, sir, it would be playing the 
game of certain people, permit the expression in my distress, it 
would be to plot our ruin wkh them. Not even the good, kind 
friend of man would expose himself to such a reproach on the part 
of his friends. The master is displeased ; he is very much so that you 
should be disturbed. What will he say, what will he do, when he 
hears that, despising his protection, and your position as citizen, 
and a valued citizen, you are obliged to emigrate ? The gain of their 
cause will be a triumph for our church people ; encouraged by this 
feature, you will add to their insolence, the emboldened and success- 
ful progress of which will sap from now on our liberty and our 

To Jean Jacques Milord wrote anxiously : 


" 5th Oct. 

" I hear you have gone to your island, for which I am very glad, 
and I wish and hope that you may enjoy there the peace and quiet 
that you seek and deserve so well. The Neuchatelois are too hot- 
headed ; they familiarize themselves with the idea of murders. One 
must put a shot into him, is commonly said amongst them ; from word 
to deed there is only a step. Now, they say, the Squire Martinet is 
threatened. If the Council of State does not act firmly I should 
advise every one who can to leave the country ; a magistrate dare 
not search for murderers. I am very glad not to have seen at 
closer quarters, and without authority to putt a stop to them, the 
horrors which have been perpetrated against you. You wish, out of 
friendship, to see me again in that country ; at my age I do not think 
of moving again, and, if I wished to, I have many places to go to 
which would please me better, as Great or Little Tartary, Algiers, 
Morroco, the Iroquois, etc. I have told M. Meuron to tell you that 
you will be welcome and received by the King, if your health allows 
it. I have acquainted the ministers, on M. Meuron's letter of what 
has passed at Metiers . I do not know what they will do ; the authority 
of the laws and of the Prince are so weak and so badly supported 
that the Ministers, I think, will be much embarrassed. They can 
only recommend the Council to keep order ; if the Council will not 
do anything firmly, I do not see any remedy. I am sorry for many 
honest folk, but much more easy since I know that you are in your 
island and the Canton of Bern." 

" POTSDAM, Oct. 26, 1765. 

" I have just written to Scotland to have three hundred Louis 
sent you by M. du Peyrou (at Paris) ; now I am easy, and thank 
you for it. You are comfortable in your island, I hope, like Robinson 
Crusoe ; the savages descend upon it four times a year. There is a 
girl from Morat here in the employment of M. de Golofkin ; we cross- 
examined her about your island, and she assures us that it is a 
charming place to stay in, but that such things are done there that she 
thinks the island will sink to the bottom of the lake. 

" I am more patient over the annoyances at Neuchatel since you 
are no longer there ; I represented the truth of the matter to the 
ministers : you are no longer mixed up in it ; that the falseness of 
the people is to be seen who claim that if they proceed against you 
the Canton of Bern will renounce the alliance of Neuchatel, because 
you are in their Canton ; that mention must only be made of the 


attempt against a magistrate who was doing his duty in discovering 
murderers ; that, for the sake of public tranquility, the audacity of 
the Sacrogorgons, otherwise the Old Man of the Mountain, must be 
repressed. The ministers have written strongly about it, at which 
the Council of State will snap their fingers. I am sorry with regard 
to M.' du Peyrou, and M. Chaillet, Martinet, and some others. 
Chaillet suggests appealing to Bern to set the country in order ; 
which the King will not do, and which would lead to endless annoy- 
ances, for at every little squabble they would run to Bern, and the 
country would descend to a dependency of that Canton. But do 
not let us talk any longer about these fools ; keep in your island and 
I will keep in mine. Give me news of yourself, and how you like 
being there ; are you well lodged and warmly ? Bon soir. I 
embrace you heartily." 

Milord to Colonel de Chaillet 

" POTSDAM, October 5th, 1765. 

" The King is very well ; the waters have done him a great deal of 
good. These last few days at the manoeuvres of about 12,000 men, 
he was on horseback from six in the morning till noon, when he sat 
down to dine with his generals. The first day it poured without 
affecting him in the slightest ; there is a healthy subject ; moreover, 
if one came to lose him, the Sacrogorgons would lose nothing on 
M. Rousseau's account. I am very glad, nevertheless, that he is 
out of the Country of unwritten Laws ; apparently in this code is to 
be found permission to murder when a Sacrogorgon sounds the 
trumpet. Let him keep in his island ; heads are too hot, and too 
fickle in your country ; I experienced it for myself. The Council 
of State, from what M. de Finkenstein writes to me, must have 
received a strong rescript in order to put an end to murders and 
persecutions against M. Rousseau. The threats against a magistrate 
if he does his duty in tracking the murderers is even worse, if worse 
can be, than what has been done against M. Rousseau." 

Pierre Boy dela Tour, the son of Rousseau's late hostess, 
had taken the side of the former's enemies. Rousseau 
revenged himself. " I allowed myself to make fun 
of him," he writes, " and I indited, in the style of a 
minor prophet, a pamphlet of a few pages, entitled 'La 


Vision de Pierre de la Montagne/ known as ' The Seer/ 
in which I was able to joke amusingly about miracles, 
which then formed the great pretext for my persecu- 
tion/' Dupeyrou had the trifle printed at Geneva. 
Chaillet sent a copy to Milord, who replied : 

" At this moment I receive yours with The Vision ; it is 
amusing. I cannot believe that the Council of State dare not act 
firmly in support of the squire in the exercise of his lawful functions. 
It is lucky that J. J. is in his island ; no one can say that this is his 
affair ; it is a case of a magistrate being safe in executing his office, in 
having the murderers discovered. If the people of the country 
wish to encourage this practice, I should advise all honest folk to 
quit it, and then plenary indulgences for all murders by night or 
by day, according to the unwritten law, Chapter I of the Code. The 
(Prussian) Ministers are so weary of the worry of this country that 
I cannot write to them about it every day, and I am not within 
reach of speaking to them about it, as I should do if I was at Berlin. 

" It seems to me that the Justice, if he is not backed up as he ought 
to be by the Council of State, should let the King know (by writing 
to the ministers, but speaking as if to the King) his conduct and 
the reasons which forced him to give up the investigations, which, 
as was his duty, he was conducting as to the murderer ; and Colonel 
Pury the same. It must be expressed carefully, all the more as the 
facts speak enough for themselves. Think this over ; I only suggest 
it as an idea which strikes me. You are on the spot, and can judge 
better than I can. The complaints must be such as can be shewn 
to the Council of State without committing yourselves with the 
Council ; I think it would not be difficult if you limited yourselves 
to a short statement of what has happened, excusing yourselves 
to have been obliged to relinquish your duties, and asking the King's 
orders with reference to this, and his protection according to law to all 
magistrates in the exercise of their duty. 

" When I told you before that the people who spoke so calmly 
of shooting down were not far off carrying into action an idea to 
which they accustomed themselves by speech, you would not 
believe me : you see what has happened. 

" The King can never do any more than advise his Council to 
have the law carried out ; he cannot compel them. I should never 
advise him to threaten ; he cannot depose any councillor ; he has 


not the power to have the law carried out, for it is not worth while 
to march his army against yours. If you want to murder each 
other, to cut each other's throats, to poison each other, etc., very 
well ; that pertains to your liberties. The King appoints the 
magistrates, he allows you to govern yourselves according to your 
laws, written and unwritten'; it is your fault if you do not govern 
yourselves well. If for your own good he did the least thing which 
could give the shadow of an excuse for inventing lies against his 
government, we should hear a fine uproar. You would tell me : 
* He ought to take care of the safety and the happiness of his sub- 
jects.' I agree with you ; but he cannot extend his authority beyond 
the limits you yourselves have set to it, and those limits are so 
narrow that he can only act through the Council of State. The 
remedy for all these disturbances is in your own hands ; if you do 
not wish the magistrates to carry out their duties in safety, so much 
the worse for you. I am very glad to be far away from the abomina- 
tions which are practised among you. 

" Draft of a rescript which I should make were I Prince of Neuf- 
chatel, etc. 

"To my trusty and well-beloved: I have learned with great 
displeasure of the attempt of assassination against M. Rousseau. 
Desiring that every one may live in peace in their houses in my 
Dominions of Neufchatel and Valangin, as they live in the rest of 
my Dominions, I have already given you my orders thereunto, in 
conformity with which you have, according to your duty, instigated 
inquiries ; but I learn that my magistrate, Martinet, being threatened 
with murder, as well as my L. C. Pury, has been obliged to relinquish 
his post and escape to Couvet ; you will inform me if it is one of the 
Liberties of the Land to murder, or one of your unwritten laws, for 
I desire to safeguard them inviolably. Further, you will inform 
me immediately the law is carried out, and the said justice of the 
people and L. C. are duly murdered, in order that I may appoint 
others to be assassinated in their turn ; further, you will name to 
me divers subjects from whom to choose a justice ; as to the Lieu- 
tenant-Colonelcy, I intend it for Colonel Chaillet, the murder of 
whom, from what I hear, will give pleasure to zealous persons, etc. . . ." 


AT Potsdam the old Milord's life flowed on happily, 
though sometimes hardly so quietly as he wished. He 
was hale and hearty, but had felt the severe winter. 

To Hugh Seton he wrote in the spring of 1765, 
hoping his father was better : 

" For when we old folk get a shove down hill, it is not easy to get 
up again, though some good constitutions do ; witness your mother, 
and now, I hope, your father also. His age, your mother's, both 
whom you have to attend, my own also, make me in a manner 
despair of having the happiness to see you in my new house, which 
will be finished by May, and would have been last November, had 
not the winter been more severe than ordinary." He had "heard 
nothing of my bergerac white wine ; I suppose the seafaring folk 
were afraid of the ice. Neither have I heard of my oil which was to 
have been sent by the Duke de Gadagne to one of my correspondents 
at Bordeaux." 

Alexander Keith, of Ravelston, Writer to the Signet, 
descended from the third Earl Marischall, was his 
lawyer in Scotland, and through him the Earl Marischall 
was busy settling up his real estate and his money 
affairs, in various beneficences, bestowing " which is 
a good work, as they want assistance," to nephews and 
nieces, and cousins, out of the sum granted him by Act 
of Parliament. For the benefit of his nephew, William 
Elphinstone, son of his sister, the Countess of Wigton, 
and who was just starting on a career in India, the 



Earl Marischall sold the family town house in Aberdeen, 
to the city, for 300. William Elphinstone died chair- 
man of the East India Company. 

He hoped to see Hugh Seton at Potsdam, now the 
house was nearly ready. 

" Next summer in July or August my house will be ready to 
give you a dish of coffe, but not to lodge you before next year ; my 
garden would have been sown this week, but the winds have been 
so high that they would have carried off the seed." 

About Hugh's parents " the patriarchate," he calls 
them in his letters he was ever inquiring. 

" I rejoyced at the good account of your father's recovery, and 
both wish and hope he may still enjoy health several years. I 
saw yesterday (watch of my house a-building) an old soldier who 
has made 60 campains, hale and strong ; 60 campains may be 
counted a hundered years ; add to that 19 when he began to serve. 
You see, my good friend, your father has many years yet to come if 
he holds out like my old watchman." 

Again he rejoices that " Mr. Smith's health mends ; at his and 
my age, so we may be without pain, is really all the health we can 
pretend to." 

The laying out of his garden and the purchase of an 
adjoining house to round off hife little property occupied 
him pleasantly. 

Earl Marischall to Hugh Seton 

" SANS Souci, April 2Sth, 1765. 

"... I am under a necessity of buying a house and garden next 
to mine for several conveniences which my Royal Archetect did 
not think of (but this only between you and me) such as place for 
dung, for firing, for a passage to transport dung into my garden ; 
this all was out of his way ; he minded only the house, of which 
the plan is convenient and genteel. I believe it will cost him at least 
four thousand pounds. There is one conveniency, only practised in 


Germany, which I have made, a room to smoak meat, by which 
it is better and keeps longer than smoaked in a chimney. You shall 
have a drawing of it; it is easily made and at very small expense. 
The house and garden which I must buy will cost me 300 ps. 

" I am sorry for the loss of your worthy neighbour Blair (Drum- 
mond of Blair-drummond) ; I wish his son may do well ; you know 
I am clannish. I thank you for remembering my ale ; I hope my 
Bergerac wine will also come in time. I am in no haste, my house 
will not be ready until next winter to dine in, and until next summer 
to loge. My garden is in order, my peach and cherry trees in blossom, 
my vines and figs in buds appearing, my melons have allready 
severall leaves. Our weather is surprisingly hot ; until now it was 
horrid. All at once we have arrived from Russia to Spain; but I 
fear we shall go back to Russia. 

" I hope the Killymoor man has got from Quebec the plants I asked 
for by his son for the King. Lady Pitfour also promised to provide 
me by her brother, when the season comes (I believe next autumn) . 
I shall desire some goosberry bushes of the large white kind, and 
some Orkeney artichoaks. Mr. Meason, wine merchant in Leith , will 
let me have a few ; I shall send him in return Felton (?) turneap 
seed and of cellary with large eatable roots, which I also recom- 
mend to you." 

With the coming of the warm weather, however, 
the old recluse had to encounter an unwelcome out- 
burst of social gaiety. 

Milord to Rousseau 

" POTSDAM, July 30th, 1765. 

" I have been for some time in a whirlwind of what is called 
pleasures of which the youngest have grown tired ; no one can 
judge better than you can if it suits my age and my mood. I still 
feel like some one who sets foot on land after being ill on the sea ; 
at this moment even, in order to enjoy a little peace, I make believe 
to be taking waters and to have leisure to write." 

But, in that summer, 1765, the old man's kindly 
heart was beset by a trouble nearer to him than the 
turbulence of Neuchatel or even the persecution of his 


poor Jean Jacques. For the marriage of Ermetulla 
had turned out a failure. 

Perhaps it had been too hasty ; perhaps Ermetulla, 
with her oriental parentage, her peculiar upbringing, 
was not like other women of her time and position ; in 
fact, tradition in Neuchatel points to her having been 
a little peculiar, certainly in her later years. Perhaps 
it was a case of a fortune-hunter and of a bride no 
longer in her first youth. But she seems to have 
loved, and believed in him. 

The circumstances are not known, but de Froment 
seems to have deceived and deserted her, and she 
divorced him. 

" He had won her," is her guardian's own testimony, " by sweetness, 
by flattering, by posing as an honest man, disinterested, kind-hearted, 
and then the gift of tears, by which he melted her. She always took 
his part when I wanted to open her eyes. He made her believe 
that she had half as much again as she really had ; it was to make 
her share larger ; but she would not see anything. If he returned 
to the country, she would perhaps be silly enough to take up with 
him again ; at least, if he told her pitiful tales of his poverty, he 
would certainly do her out of money, a heart so kind and generous 
is often a dupe." 

To Hugh Seton the Earl Marischall wrote in August : 

" M. de Froment and Mde, by mutual consent, have decided on 
the dissolution of their marriage, for certain sufficient reasons. 
She gives him a purse of 800 livres, for he had nothing of his own. 
She goes back to Colombier, as I lodge at the Pallace, and eat at 
the King's table ; she is quite alone, and could not support the 
solitary life of a long winter with no company." 

Madame de Froment had given up all claims on her 
late husband's property, and he on hers, but she 
arranged to allow him an annuity of 800 pounds Scots. 
She had left herself about 12,000 francs French, as 


much again in the hands of Mr. Portales, something in 
those of Councillor Eougemont, and 1,500 sterling 
with Charles Smith at 5 per cent. An annuity and 
tontine made up the annuity she had to pay de Fro- 
ment. In his will the Earl Marischall had left her his 
two furnished houses in Potsdam, and everything he 
possessed out of Scotland, and also the money he had 
previously settled on Ilbraham and Stepan. 

Ermetulla evidently wished, at Milord's death, to 
return to live at Neuchatel, and he thought her income 
would suffice her there. But there were other plans 
afoot for her in that country. Colonel Chaillet had 
been writing to Milord in favour of a suitor, who ap- 
pears to have been Martinet, the Justice of Motiers, 
Jean Jacques's champion. 

" I have nothing to say against the match which you suggest. I 
know that M. Martinet is an honest man, gentle, wise ; if she is 
willing, so am I ; but she has been so unhappy in marriage that I 
do not think she will ever think of it again . . . she has made such 
a bad attempt that I doubt if she will make another trial. ... I 
think Emetulla would do well in having a good fellow for a husband 
and a friend, and to take care of her interests, in order not to find 
herself left alone and without any tie. I should wish for it, but I 
will not suggest anything. I even think that it will be best to leave 
her some time to find out for herself that she requires help and 
not to be alone. Good night." 

The Earl Marischall was constantly thinking about 
others and their welfare. To Chaillet he wrote that 
autumn : 

"... I hope good M. Junod will come and help me write (the 
pensioned old secretary who had found that he could not live at 
Neuchatel without his master) . . . and will live peacefully in my 
new house, cultivating a little garden to himself ; for I have bought 
a house beside the one the King is building for me, and which will 
cost him more than 20,000 crowns of this country. It will be a 


little heritage for Emetulla ; and, as the King is building a Palace 
for himself not far from my house, mine will increase in value ; 
likewise the old one I have just bought, for habitations near the 
King in the suburb will be sought after ; at present there is not 
one except for little townspeople, gardeners, and the like." 

A letter about the same time to Hume shows the 
Earl Marischall interested in his kitchen garden and in 
his collection of engravings, and alive to all the gossip 
of English society. 

"POTSDAM, Wth September, 1765. 
" Alabado sea Dios y la Virgen Santissima, who have again set at 

philosophic liberty the D r of the f h. I rejoice with you 

on this event, which makes you not only master of your time to 
employ it better than in cyphering and decyphering, though I don't 
doubt you do many good works in your ministerial functions. I 
am sure it was one to save a poor fellow from the gallows, who 
chose rather to drown than to starve. I, when in my government 
had such another affair, in which the court of Turin acted with 
clemency and goodness. A banker, native of Neufchatel, cut his 
throat ; but not enough to die. He was by the law to be hanged, 
and all he had forfeited to the crown. The King of Sardinia, on my 
application, made stop all procedure ; and the man soon recovered, 
and lives, carrying on his business as if nothing had happened. I 
am very sorry at what you tell me of D'Alembert's health. He 
has not your philosophical temper, nor any you name, except him 
of this place, who has as much of it as is possible for a man of his 
trade, who is vexed by continual tricks and roguery of most folks 
about him. No patience could bear, not even that of an ass could 
bear, to see his best intentions frustrated by the roguery of others. 
I have got some favourite pictures or prints. I want two or three 
more : that of D'Alembert, of Helvetius. I suppose Debora has 
them, and hope she will let me have copies, and hers also : then 
my collection will be complete. Among others I have one of Vol- 
taire in his deshabille : his shoes unbuckled, sitting at his table, 
with paper, pen and ink ; his countenance shows that he has given 
a good kick to Vinfdme, or to some wasp, for it expresses great satis- 
faction. I have a letter from Mrs. Hamilton, our friend. She says 
the Duchess has seduced you, by a dish of beef and cabbage, to 
turn to her side. If this were true, I should hope to see you here, 


where, in my garden, I have cabbage the eighth wonder of the 
world. Let me know at your leisure how that ugly lawsuit is 
like to go. I have just the same relation to both sides : some 
warmth to Lady Jean's memory, and a great deal to the name 
of Douglas besides. As none can prove their father, the precedent 
is dangerous. Supposing Mr. Wortley Montague should bring 
witnesses from the Levant to prove the illegitimacy of Lady Bute ; 
might he not prove it, at least as well as that of young Douglas ? 
This makes me remember a judgment of the Bishop of Magdeburg 
the present philosopher bishop. A man and his daughter were 
condemned to be burnt alive, for incest. The sentence was pre- 
sented to him to be ratified. He, who seldom puts any one to death 
he can well save, declared that the judges had done their duty 
according to the law, but that he could not confirm the sentence 
until he had proofs that the girl was daughter to the man supposed 
to be her father. In the meantime, I think they were set at liberty. 
If he had not been more than a bishop I doubt he would have been 
so little severe. My waistcoat is a lady's gown. I told already 
to whom it was to be given at Paris : for the Duchess of Gadagne 
at Avignon. Have you sent a note to Madame de Froment at Neuf- 
chatel, to let her know how to address it to you ? Adieu." 

Nor was the Earl Marischall forgetful of Scottish 
friends and relations, as his constant correspondence 
with Hugh Seton at this time shows : 

" My nephew, Wil. Elphinston, counts on getting a ship from the 
East India Company ; he must have friends to take ten or twelve 
shares ; each share comes to 850, and brings, after paying insurance, 
76, which he sais is a good way to lay out money. I wish to assist 
him ; inquire into this, give me your advice, and try if by your 
friends you can help honest Ben the sailor ; it will make him at once, 
if he can go Captain to China or Indies. ... I am sorry your father's 
health is not better ; but to wish to live to old age and arrive to it 
without the strength of youth were folly to hope ; all we, or our 
friends, can desire is that we be without pain, which I am glad your 
father is. ... I am glad your china is arrived." 

He had forwarded some pottery to Mrs. Patterson for 
use, because she " kept hers in a kind of prison " -and 


From an engraving in the British Museum. 

II. 2521 


begged that artichokes and six gooseberry-bushes might 
be sent him. When the winter set in he asked for 
stoves, " of whatever size, for my rooms are some few 
large, and several very small." He sent presents of 
" cloath " for suits to Lord Galloway, his brother-in- 
law, Charles Smith, and others. " We have a strong 
frost, but clear weather. I have had a gentle fit of the 
gout, enough to authorize me to wear coarse cloath 
gaters for all winter." When Christmas festivities at 
Court began, he writes that by the gout, " I have gained 
the liberty to wear in the Drawing Room at Court 
coarse cloath gaters ; and good luck it is, for we have 
horrid cold weather to a poor old Spaniard ; for the folks 
here think it fine." 
In the autumn of 1765 he wrote to Hugh Seton that 

"Mr. [Alexander] Keith made a proposal to me to buy my 
small estate in the Mearns [Dunottar] purchased at the sale ; he 
wishes to have it as being of the name, which I am far from being 
against ; but I do not choose to sell it during my life-time, but to 
keep that small bit of my paternall estate." 

However, the sale was completed the following year, 

" The Earl Marischall ordered the whole family papers and the 
* black stock ' of Dunottar, an oaken table, said to have been brought 
by the Catti from Germany, reckoned an antient heirloom of the 
family, to be delivered to him as an acknowledgement of his 

Through Alexander Keith the Earl Marischall gave 
annuities to various poor relations of his name ; the 
Dowager Countess of Kintore also had an annuity of 
300. He also paid 6 6s. described as his "Annual 
Charity to the Funds for the Relief of the Indigent 
of the Episcopal Clergy in Scotland and their widows." 


He was still nominally the Governor of Neuchatel ; 
it was only in 1765 that Michel, who had been Prussian 
Minister in London, was appointed Deputy-Governor. 
Milord was naturally Michel's channel and mouthpiece 
at Berlin, and under his cognizance came the grave 
consequences of Rousseau's persecution. Not only was 
the arm of the law directed against the ringleaders in 
these outbreaks being " held up/' but even the person 
in authority, Justice Martinet, was being menaced with 

In Milord's clear vision here was more than a mere 
outbreak of ecclesiastical intolerance : it pointed to 
actual rebellion of the Council of State against the 
royal authority. 

To Chaillet he wrote at the end of October 1765 : 

" As regards the affair of Mr. Martinet, which directly concerns 
the public and the safety of every inhabitant, viz. : that it is per- 
missable to assassinate a magistrate acting in pursuance of his duty, 
and that even by order of the Council. On this you must lay most 
stress on your statements and complaints to the Court." 

Three weeks later : 

" I have already informed the King's ministers of all that you 
have told me. Orders have been given to the Council of State to 
act efficaciously ; these orders will not be obeyed ; I can forsee that. 
The Expedient of Bern is suitable neither for the dignity of the King 
nor the good of the country ; it would open the door to still further 
embroilments ; for every day malcontents would demand this 
arbitration, and the country would become a dependency of Bern. 
The King (as I have said) has appointed to the posts those who 
have been recommended to him as the best subjects. He does not 
wish to act against your privileges ; he expresses his desire and 
gives his orders to the Council to repress disorder ; he allows you 
to govern yourselves without even troubling you with a Governor ; 
he takes hardly anything in taxes ; if you are not happy, it is your 
fault. You must also remember that the two ministers of State 
have the affairs of Brandenburg, Pommerania, Prussia, Silesia, 


Cleves, and Westphalia, etc., the foreign affairs of the courts of 
Vienna, London, France, the Empire, Poland, Russia, Turkey, etc. 
I cannot write to them daily about the affairs of Neuchatel ; unless 
God performs a miracle on your behalf. In short, you govern 
yourselves according to your laws, written and unwritten ; if you 
are not well off, blame yourselves ; as for me, I cannot do anything 
about it. Your annoyances remind me of a Gascon, who was 
complaining of those of his town, and said to me : * Cadedis ! I should 
like to put the globe of the earth between me and this town.' What 
grieves me is what you and other folk go through on account of 
these turbulent people." 

" October 28th. 

" I have yours of the 14th. I have nothing to add to what I 
last wrote. The King will not have recourse to Bern. You govern 
yourselves by your laws ; you ought to be happy and contented. 
I am very much so that I am no longer in the country ; I left it 
to be at peace ; you must write direct to the Ministers of the King 
about affairs. M. Andrie will express to you my feelings as to the 
hourly worries of your country : some are necessary to make the 
time pass, as the Bishop said when he begged Louis XI to allow 
him two dozen lawsuits for his pastime. 

" I am very sorry for that good man, M. Du Peyrou ; if his head 
is as good as his heart, he will leave for Morat or elsewhere at once. 
The World is wide enough ; when one has money one can exist 
without being at Neuchatel ; he will be missed when he is away, 
and annoyed when there : it is an inviolable and unwritten law. 

" P.S. Permit me to send you a little note of some people whom 
I much wish not to be assassinated, if that were possible without 
violating your privileges : 

" Emetulla, Colonel Chaillet, Martinet, two Purys, Mile Morel, 
Ibrahim, Stepan, Lisette ; and a few others. I do not mention 
J. J. ; he is in his Island ; nor M. Andrie, who is absent. My 
compliments to M. Rousseau. His portrait came safe to hand. 
It is being copied for others. Have you seen him in his Island ? 
Good day." 

When settled at Berlin Milord used his influence in 
favour of his Neuchatel friends. Colonel Chaillet was 
ennobled, Meuron rewarded, and Colonel Abram Pury 
promoted to be Lieutenant- Colonel of Militia. 



AT Christmas 1765, through Hugh Seton, the Earl Mari- 
schall sent thirty guineas as a present to Rousseau. 

In the autumn the Bernese authorities had ordered 
the latter out of the island in the lake of Bienne. The 
one idea now of his bon Milord was to get his "son" 
safely away from Switzerland, and, preferably, to 
England, " the land of the free/' 

" November 7, 1765. 

44 1 am struck down and crushed by what has happened to you. 
I believed you to be at rest for life ; let us think about the future, 
the past is too horrible. ... I write this note on chance. You 
know I should have much pleasure in embracing you, but my 
friendship obliges me to advise you not to make such a great and 
wearisome journey, and, if possible, to go to England, where the 
climate is so mild that the myrtles live in the open air. This climate 
is too severe ; you would do best to go straight to Holland if this 
letter reaches you in time. 

" After nearly fifty years of banishment nearly all my friends 
are dead. My relations are all Scotch; you must have friends, and 
friends who deserve your friendship ; he who seems to me the most 
suitable among my acquaintance is Mr. Pennack, at the Museum, 
one of the King's Libraries, a man of letters, gentle, and really a 
good English gentleman. Do not be afraid because he is a Minister ; 
he is not a bigot ; in short, I will answer for his uprightness, though 
he is a Lama. It will be for him to seek acquaintances for you, 
who are most suitable, and a suitable dwelling place ; perhaps it 
would be the province of Cornwall, where he comes from ; it is the 
mildest climate in England. . . . David Hume should be in France, 



or perhaps has gone over to Ireland ; that is why I do not write 
to him." 

" POTSDAM, 12 November, 1765. 

" Messieurs de Bienne have spoken very well, and, what is more 
rare, have acted very well in keeping you with them ; for which 
I like and respect them, although I lose the hope of seeing you 
again. My advice is that you should live and die among such honest 
folk, who have not been led astray by their neighbours. If at the 
time of my banishment from home I had been thus welcomed, 
though I was very happy in Spain, I should have given the prefer- 
ence to such an invitation. The neighbour was the Samaritan who 
succoured the wounded man abandoned by his fellow-countrymen. 

" My first tie to the King of Prussia was that, having heard that 
my estates in Scotland had been confiscated, he offered me a pension 
without thinking of any return of service : he had added many 
marks of favour since then, but the first was enough to attach me 
to him for ever. This same kindness of heart has made him think 
now of finding a retreat for you in a village near Berlin inhabited 
chiefly by French : you would have a safe asylum where the Sacro- 
gorgons would not have disturbed you. England was always open 
to you ; but now you are at rest, and I am also. I was very anxious 
about your journey ; M r Andrie marched looking to right and to 
left to see if there was a Greek in the road. . . . Thanks to God 
and to the good folk of Bienne, it was a short one. . . . My kind 
regards to M r Nitz, who has been in Spain ; tell him that I have not 
neglected his business, but that the man who owes him the money 
in good justice es peor que Gavocho o judia" 

19 November, 1765. 

" I am sad about your annoyances ; I do not know what to say 
to you. 1. To come here the road is much worse than the one you 
have already gone over, and the climate very severe. 2. At Saxe 
Gotha you would be as much in a court as here, where, as I have 
written to you, the King thought of settling you in a village in- 
habited by French ; but the climate would be very hard for your 
infirmities. 3. The winters in Holland are terrible, without counting 
the difficulties in getting there, and the risk you would run of being 
frozen on the Rhine. The 4. is the best in my opinion, but I am 
sure it is right that you go at once and lodge with David, and act 
on his advice. I am sure it will be best, in order to avoid all annoy- 
ance, not make any stay in Paris, but to go at once to Dover with 



a good passport from David. You will prove, you say, to the Parlia- 
ment, their incompetence to bring you to trial ; very well, but they 
will do so if only to support their rights, and will declare that they 
are right, which they will approve by a grand decree ; for, anyhow, a 
Parliament must not be in the wrong ; my friend, you do not know yet 
enough about the Yahoos. Have a sure place. It seems to me that 
there should be no hesitation ; you will find in England Placidam 
sub Libertate quietem, a very mild climate in the southern Provinces. 
I have recommended you to a very honest man, Mr. Pennack, at the 
Museum ; you will soon have David also. You will live cheaply, and 
as you like ; but I should choose Falmouth or its environs ; good 
fish, good milk, good meat, charming view ; it is Mr. Pennack's 
country, who will settle you comfortably. ... I wrote to you a 
short letter in my joy and admiration of the town of Bienne ; that 
only lasted a short time. You must go straight to David and 
settle yourself on the authority of a man of position that you are 
one and the other. You do not fly from men ; you only avoid, and 
rightly, Yahoos. David is not one ; he is a man, and when one has 
found one, one must recognize him and distinguish him from a 
Yahoo, and treat him well. I count on your doing this with David, 
to whom a thousand remembrances from me. 

" You always treated me well ; David deserves more. He is a 
public minister ; you will be all right with him ; he is the Hounhnhum 
who will protect you from the Yahoos. . . . In case you left Switzer- 
land in a hurry, I am seeking a letter of change on Strasburg for 
25 Louis in case you want it. . . ." 

" December 3, 1765. 

"... If you have been pursued by an unequalled cabal, you have 
also experienced the keen attachment of a quantity of honest people. 
... I believe you will follow good David's advice. This climate is too 
severe ; the country in England is very pretty ; abundance, ease, 
Liberty reign there : in the city of London you can live as in a 
forest, if you like. Mr. Pennack will let you have the books you 
require. . . ." 

" 3 December, 1765. 

"... I still vote for England, where the written Law runs, and 
men are not in command. A ruler changes, a bigot comes in hia 
place, everything changes ; you will not have to fear that in England. 
I am too old to change my abode ; it is not worth while to go either in 
England or Venice. I only want a retreat, which I have, though at 


mrt ; only one person inconveniences me, and lie is actually 
walking about my room, because it is nice and has a good fire ; he 
is not settled here, or otherwise I should be done for. 

' * I am sorry if I have done something foolish in speaking to the 
Ministers about your retreat ; that from Neuchatel was in order 
not to be murdered, and not to give occasion to disturbances in the 
country ; from the Island it was an order from Bern after they had 
assured you that you would be in security and peace ; I do not see 
that you need regret that the Ministers or all the world know the 
reasons. Moreover, you must give them in order to prevent an 
impression which your enemy might produce by writing lies. . . ." 

" 17 Dec., 1765. 

" . . .1 have written to Mr. Pennack, a very honest man ; consult 
him. Also a note to Mr. Holroyd, for you ; he will advise the county 
of York for you, a very fine county. Mr. Pennack, probably, will 
speak for Cornwall ; each one for his own country. Every one will 
wish to have you ; Cornwall is the milder climate. Think it over. 
Perhaps you will be able to settle yourself on the banks of the 
Thames, within reach of London by boat. In a few days I will send 
you a letter of change for London. ..." 

" POTSDAM, February 6, 1766. 

" I have just received with much pleasure yours of 20 Jan : before 
going to the province of Wales, consult Mr. Pennack ; you can go as 
if to see the Museum ; so this visit will lead to no consequences. 
David does not know England very well, I think. I have heard that 
it rains much more in the Province of Wales than in the rest of 
England, where it rains a great deal too much. Cornwall is the 
mildest climate, and, as brother Jean des Emtomures says, we poor 
monks have only our life in this world. 

" I approve of short visits ; at Berlin during the Carnival I do 
not pay any, nor dine away from home, except sometimes at Court. 
I have lived as if I was Mr. Price in his old monastery. I am much 
inclined to Falmouth, unless you learn that it rains there as much as 
in the province of Wales. Bon jour." 

" POTSDAM, 28 February, 1766. 

" As I often think about you and as I want very much to find 
for you an abode, I think I have found a nook which has just been 
suggested to me and which will be all we are seeking for ; it is at 


Baron Wolf's, a very good and honest man, gentle, quiet, who will 
make you the master, and leave you alone as much as you like, in 
a little house he has in a great wood ; for he built a house for him- 
self a half mile off. It is three miles from Plimouth ; there is an 
old French refugee there now ; you will not find in all England such 
a retired man as M. Wolf ... the Baron has written to offer you 
this little house. 

" The Classe or Company of Lamas have written to the King 
asking for something that they have not obtained, but have been 
snubbed for having attacked an honest man protected by H.M. 
I am very glad ; they deserved it well. Good night. . . . 

" The Lamas' letter was to justify their proceedings against you ; 
they will not be proud of the reply." 

" There can be no hesitation ; you must accept the offer of the 
King of England. You have voluntarily become his subject ; you 
have rights to these advantages, as you are obliged to contribute 
to what is to the advantage of the country as much as you can. 
The refusal you gave to the offer of help from the King of Prussia 
was not approved, as you know, by your friends ; you must not 
give them another opportunity to blame you. I wrote to you a few 
days ago to tell you that the Lamas had written a fine letter to the 
King to justify their proceedings over your affair ; they have been 
well snubbed ; never have those venerable Lamas had such a letter. 
I told you also that I had found an abode for you ; M r Wolf is the 
gentlest fellow I know, without pretensions, benevolent. You will 
not easily find another such place, nor such another host ; he is 
modest, even timid, speaking little, not at all unless you speak to 
him. Do not trouble about anything ; he will let you do as you 
like. Put yourself into his house, take his furniture, burn his fire- 
wood, pay him afterwards, if you like ; though he was very aston- 
ished when I told him that perhaps you would not want his wood ; 
he thinks, as I do, that these little mutual assistances are among men 
like shewing the way to a passer-by. 

" I congratulate you on Mile Le Vasseur's arrival, and Mr. Boswell 
on the pleasure he will have in serving you ; he is a real man of 
honour, a Preux chevalier ; give him my complements. If ever I 
have time to write two words to good David, I will send him by M r 
Wolf a rather unorthodox book ; I send it to David to reply to, if 
he will. 

" JM r Wolf says he has no nearer neighbours than five miles off 


except the town ; his woods are cut in avenues. The good French- 
man will be a help to you to shew you how the land lies, prices, etc. 
If you go to Wales you will not be so comfortable, I am sure. . . . 

' ' I have made a mistake ; it is near Southampton, not Plimouth. 
M r Wolf makes Mile le Vasseur a present of milk from his little cow. 

" I have studied the apocalypse ; I do not find it clear there that 
Jean Jacques is the Antichrist ; one must believe it on the word of 
the Sacrogorgon, confirmed by his colleague the blacksmith. Here 
are my discoveries which I submit, however, to the sacrogorgon. 
The antichrist rode on a great beast which was seated on seven 
mountains. The beast is clearly Colonel de Pury, the seven moun- 
tains are clearly Meuron, Martinet, the four elders, and Dupeyrou. 
I am sorry not to find Chaillet among them, but I will not make 
any forced interpretations. Bon soir" 

The Earl Marischall to Hume 

" Ce 4 Mara, 1766. 

" J'admire le bon cceur du Roi d'Angleterre, il faut qu'il soit 
veritablement bon pour n'etre pas endurci par la devotion envers 
notre ami. Je lui ai ecrit, qu'il n'y a pas a balancer. Ainsi, je le 
compte a 1'aise pour le reste de ses jours. 

" Je lui propose d'aller s'etablir chez le Baron Wolf, tout a fait bon 
enfant et doux. II sera le maitre de vivre a sa facon et dans un 
grand bois ; mais je compte qu'il vous montera ma lettre. 

" Je suis bien aise que vous trouverez que je n'ai rien dit que de 
vrai de J. J. de meme a 1'egard de ce que j'ai avance sur le bon 
David, a qui le Baron Wolf porte un livre nouveau, 'Extrait de 
1'Histoire Ecclesiastique,' auquel vous repondrez si vous voulez, 

comme F i D r, ou que vous laisserez sans reponse comme 

veritable descendant des Comtes de Hume. Bon soir. Je vous 
embrasse de tout mon cceur." 

Milord to Rousseau 

" POTSDAM, 26 April, 1766. 

" I hope you are comfortable where you are, and that the fogs are 
lifting ; nevertheless, it is good to have another retreat at your 
disposal in case where you are does not please you. M p Wolf is so 
good, so gentle, that I am sure you would be very happy with him ; 
moreover, I am a kind of amphibious animal, and I am never very 
happy away from the sea, which is very convenient ; his house is 


three leagues from a seaport. You will see myrtles growing without 
a greenhouse there. It seems to me that you had better write and 
thank M r Wolf for his very sincere and friendly offers. When he has 
built his house you will be Lord of the old one ; in the meantime 
you will free ; for I have drawn up the preliminaries. 

" I am very greatly astonished as to what you tell me about 
David. You say that he is serving you with the greatest zeal. I should 
like to think that his intentions are disinterested, and that the 
methods he is pursuing are not to your taste, rather than to imagine 
interested views on his part. Young Tronchin, who, if I am not 
mistaken, has studied in Scotland with an intimate friend of David, 
to whom he was recommended ; if he made any mystery as to 
having lodged the son of the Juggler in his house, he would have 
done it in order not to offend you by a misunderstood delicacy. He 
lived in Paris with every one ; he lived amicably in Scotland with 
those who were censuring his works ; he always spoke to me of 
you with feelings of most cordial esteem ; when people utter false 
sentiments it is difficult for them not to shew a claw. You have 
gone through so many persecutions from these two-legged animals 
without feathers, and who are not so faithful as a poodle or a Turk, 
that I am not surprised that you are not on your guard against 
some one whom you have not known for a long time. I hope these 
suspicions will evaporate. If Mr. Walpole has spread about the 
letter in question, it does not give one a great idea of his judgement. 
As regards the pension I am still of the same opinion, that you 
should accept it if it is offered to you, without your having made 
any effort on your side, as you have not made. Your letter reached 
me without being opened, as far as I could see. I do not fancy that 
they will open your letters or mine ; but I found the other day, in one 
of mine coming from Scotland, one written to Dublin by a merchant 
his correspondent at Barcelona. How it got into my envelope I 
do not know. I suspect that it was an oversight of one of the 
letter-openers at the post : they want sometimes to know some one's 
correspondence, so they open all the letters ; and perhaps a letter 
I expect from my lawyer in Scotland is gone to Barcelona. This 
is a common evil ; it is a court etiquette, well established every- 

" You apparently know that they say that the Corsicans will 
not write to you to ask you to make their laws, and that the letter 
was fictitious in order to give you useless trouble. I wish I could 
tell you exactly about it." 


" 8 May. 

" This is only an envelope to a very good letter which has been 
printed in Switzerland. How the Lamas let the copy go free I do 
not know ; but it is authentic, as I have verified here. 

" How are you in Derbyshire ? The climate should be less mild 
than near Plimouth. I have lived so long in the Spanish sun that 
I look upon the temperature of the air as a great factor in this world. 
Bon jour. 

" Copy of the reply of the King of Prussia to the complaints of the 
Classe des Pasteurs at Neufchatel. 

" The King, on the very humble petition of the Company of 
Pastors of the principality of Neuchatel and of Valangin, concerning- 
the pretended claims that the Council has for some time made on 
the rights which it, as well as its members, should enjoy, orders 
answer to be made to it, that H.M. , very far from acquiescing in this 
humble petition of the above-named Company on this subject, 
cannot help being very ill-satisfied with the restless, turbulent pro- 
ceedings, tending to sedition, which the same Pastors had taken 
towards a man whom the King deigned to honour with his pro- 

" Given at Potsdam, 26 February, 1766." 

Postscript in the King's own hand : 

" You do not deserve to be protected unless you put as much 
Evangelical gentleness in your conduct, as there is at present hot- 
headedness, restlessness, and sedition. 


" These two documents having fallen into our hands, we make 
them public that they may for ever serve as examples to all Princes, 
and as instructions to all Magistrates in Europe, and as Safeguards 
to all citizens. Given at our Kesidence, this 10 March 1766." 

"... I send you an extract (in Italian) from an essay called 
' Of Crimes and Punishments.' They think it is by Tannuci, 
minister of the King of Naples. 

" A great man, who has enlightened humanity, who persecuted 
him, has shewn in detail what are the principal rules of education 
really useful to men, etc. The book was burnt, because it was 


good, as usually happens ; Tannuci, not having put his name to it, 
was not burnt. I have received a letter from Geneva from a very 
worthy lady, one of my friends, my Lady Stanhope. She thinks 
she owes the life of her son who died to M. Tronchin, and recommends 
his son to me, as she looks upon him, she says, as her son, and 
therefore I am obliged to do the polite to the son of the Juggler. 
David Hume, I think, was in the same plight. I cannot doubt 
that David is not faithfully attached to you. Good Day. I embrace 
you heartily. Tell me how you like Derbyshire ; you cannot judge 
of the climate till the winter." 


JULY 1766 TO MARCH 1767 

POOR Rousseau was not destined to find peace of mind ; 
it would also appear as if he was determined that 
neither should his venerable benefactor enjoy any. 
Following on the public disturbances about him came his 
private quarrels with his bon Milord's intimate friend, 
Hume. Le bon David and Jean Jacques, who, with 
Milord, were to have formed a happy trio of hermits 
at Keith Hall, were now at loggerheads. Jean 
Jacques was shrieking to his father for sympathy, and 
Milord exhausted his pen in soothing the irritated 
susceptibilities of his friends. 

Rousseau to Milord Marechal 

" July 20th, 1766. 

" The last letter, milord, that I received from you, was of the 
25th of May. Since then I have been obliged to express my feelings 
about Mr. Hume : he wished for an explanation ; he has had it ; 
I do not know what use he will make of it. However that may be, 
all is henceforward over between him and myself. I should like 
to send you a copy of the letters, but they form a book. Milord, 
the cruel feeling that we shall see each other no more weighs on my 
heart like an insupportable load ; I would give half my blood to 
see you for a quarter of an hour yet once again in my life : you 
know how dear to me would be that quarter of an hour, but you 
do not know how important it would be to me. ... I have resolved 
to break off all correspondence ... I shall cease to write or to 
reply to any one. I only make two exceptions : one is M. du Peyrou. 



I do not think it necessary to tell you who is the other. Henceforth 
only friendship is left, and, living only for that, you will feel that I 
have more need than ever of your letters. ... I am far away from 
that dear time of 1762, but I shall come back to it, at least I hope so. 
I shall go over again, in my mind at least, those pilgrimages to 
Colombier, which were the purest da)^ of my life. Might they only 
begin over again, and again ! I should ask no other eternity. 

"... I hoped you would tell me a little about your house and 
your garden, if only as regards botany. Ah ! were I but within 
reach of that blessed garden, even if my poor Sultan rummaged 
in it a little, as he used to do in the one at Colombier ! " 

Milord Marechal to Rousseau 

" POTSDAM, July 3, 1766. 

" You are able to dispense with the pension, and I hope that is 
the case, and have foregone it only for the present ; and that with 
suitable excuses, I have no more to say against it. I believe, how- 
ever, that David Hume is innocent towards you, that he is really 
your friend. He may have listened too complacently to your 
enemies, but it does not seem possible to believe that he has opened 
your letters ; he is not naturally fond of annoying, and he knows 
very well that you are not; and for what reason should he have 
opened your letters ? Letters are often so clumsily sealed (mine among 
the rest) that they appear to have been opened. The line you are 
taking of reducing your correspondence to three persons (and I hope 
very much that I shall be of that Triumvirate) will put you at rest ; 
an attempt may be made to disturb your solitude (the wasps settle 
on the ripest fruit) but when it is seen that you do not give yourself 
the trouble to reply, they will leave you in peace. 

" Someone told me you complained of the climate ; last winter 
was more severe than usual, and am pleased to see the confidence you 
have in Mr. Davenport, and I hope, that with a good fire, you will be 
able to live in Derbyshire without your health suffering. I only 
wanted to tell you that you can write to M r Wolf by addressing 
your letter to London to him ; he is a very nice man, very quiet, 
and I should like to arrange this retreat for you in case the cold is 
too great where you are. 

" I am in my new house. I dine with the King ; the rest of the 
time I am at home, almost always alone ; I do not pay any visits, I 
have none. I am too old for the noisy world ; when I do not dine 


with the King, I have my pillau, stewed lettuces, and peas or beans, 
and from time to time a little fish. Pythagoras would be pleased, 
for the most part, at seeing me dine ; I regret daily the distance that 
separates us. 

" You have perhaps heard of the representation which several 
Bishops made to the King of France against several writers against 
established religion. Voltaire was very keenly alarmed ; he asked 
the King of Prussia for an asylum in his dominions, which he has 
received, though the King is not unaware of the black calumnies 
which he has written against him, which does certainly more honour 
to the King than to Voltaire.'" 

Rousseau to Milord 

" August 9th, 1766. 

" The incredible things which Mr. Hume writes to Paris about me 
make me presume, if he dare, that he will not fail to write as much 
to you ; I am not troubled as to what you will think about it. I 
hope, milord, I am sufficiently well-known to you, and that tran- 
quilizes me ; but he accuses me so impudently of having uncivilly 
refused the pension, after having accepted it, that I think I must 
send you a true copy of the letter I wrote about it to General Con- 
way. I was in a great difficulty about that letter, as I did not wish 
to give the real reason for my refusal, and could not allege another. 
You will agree, I am sure, that if it could have been better put, at 
least it could not have been put more sincerely. I will add that it is 
false that I ever accepted the pension ; I only put your consent 
as a necessary condition, and, when this consent came, Mr. Hume 
went straight ahead with consulting me again. As you cannot 
know what has occurred in England with respect to myself since 
my arrival, it is impossible that you can judge in this affair without 
knowledge, between Mr. Hume and myself ; his secret proceedings 
are too incredible, and there is no one in the world less likely to 
put faith in them. ... I ask you, milord, a justice you cannot 
refuse : it is, when any one tells you or writes to you that I have 
done willingly an unjust or uncivil thing, to be quite sure that it is 
not true." 

The Earl Marischall to Hume 

" POTSDAM, 15th August, 1766. 

" I have three of yours ; the last by Mr. Franklin only yesterday, 
sent me from Utrect by Mr. Brown. I am much grieved by what 


happens between you and J. J. ; for still I cannot suspect him of 
black ingratitude in his heart, which many now accuse him of ; but 
I believe his warm imagination has realized to him suspicions which 
have not the least foundation, as I know, being well informed of 
your warm and hearty friendship to him, and having seen with what 
tenderness and regard you did all in your power to serve him. His 
error afflicts me, more on his account than on yours, who have, I 
am sure, nothing to reproach yourself. It will be good and humane 
in you, and like le bon David, not to answer ; which you say is your 
own opinion. 

" J. J. is already attacked, and will be more so on all hands. His 
enemies pursued him with inveterate malice, when they had nothing 
in truth to say. Now he has given them hold, they are all upon him. 
If somebody should accuse me of having murdered Henry IV of 
France, I should not justify myself, because the accusation would 
not gain the least credit. 

" I shall be happy to see you here ; but I must in conscience tell 
you, What went you out to see ? A reed shaken with the wind ! My 
memory fails me much. You must expect from me no more, if so 
much, as from an old monkish chronicle of a thousand years ; where, 
perhaps, you might here and there pick out some notes to clear 
dates : and every six months makes me considerably less of any use 
to your intention. All you can count on is truth, as far as my 
memory serves. If, after this fair warning, you shall resolve to 
come, you shall be most welcome. I have a room for you, a Spanish 
olla, Spanish wine, pen, ink, paper. I dine every day with the 
King. You will be invited to dine and sup every night with the 
Prince of Prussia. We shall lodge in the same house like a fashion- 
able French husband and lady, without seeing other ; vous serez 
comme des beaux esprits et des dames. I am good for nothing for 
either ; so that I run risk to see you not often, and we shall want 
some time in quietness. If you do come, let your journey be either 
in May, when the King goes to Berlin, or about this time when he 
goes to Silesia. Then I am quiet in my hermitage, for in Carnival 
time it's too cold. I am there also in retreat when others are 
rioting ; for I shall remain in my hermitage and not go to Berlin 
this year. My complements to Dr. Juan : I shall write to him in 
a post or two. I think Gillespie has done wisely to give Dr. Juan 
the house, and to enjoy quietly the rest of his days. I am to both 
a humble servant, and to you ever faithfully." 


Milord Marechal to Dupeyrou 

"21 August, 1766. 
" . . . Our friend J. J. has resolved to withdraw still more from 
11 dealings with men ; he complains of David Hume, and David of 
him. I am afraid that both are in the wrong : David to have 
listened too complacently to our friend's enemies, and he perhaps 
took this indolence on the part of David in not taking up the cudgels 
for him as an alliance with his enemies. I am very troubled, for 
David is such a good man, and our friend has already so many 
enemies, that many people will be led to think him in the wrong ; 
but as he is in the utmost retreat, and as he limits himself to corre- 
sponding with two or three people, the best is to say no more of 
this fresh annoyance. I am sorry you have to complain of the 
gout, and I hope with all my heart that this may find you in good 
health, and remain with a very sincere friendship and a particular 
esteem, etc. . . ." 

Milord Marechal to Rousseau 

" POTSDAM, 24 August, 1766. 

" I have yours of July 20th ; it has been more than a month on 
the road. I already knew about your explication with Mr. Hume, 
and I regret very much that you two have fallen out ; as I have 
seen nearly all his proceedings, I cannot yet persuade myself that 
he has not acted in good faith. He wrote so much good of you 
after having made your acquaintance, and before that he regretted 
your prosecution in Switzerland, and your situation in a manner 
which made it impossible that he did not feel what he said ; especi- 
ally having seen a letter which you wrote to M. Clairan about 
having the Dictionary of Music printed, you would have been 
touched by his expressions ; it was this letter which suggested to 
him to serve you by proposing the pension in England, where you 
were going, and where, I think, you did well to go for good reasons ; 
it is the country for him who wrote Le Contrat Social, etc. ; you 
understand what I mean to say ; and it was for that that I con- 
sented to be deprived of your society, in order that you might be 
more comfortable. Now I hope your taste for Botany may amuse 
you, and that you may enjoy health and quietness. I have fairly 
got both in my hermitage, and I potter in my garden, where I have 
plenty of Spanish onions, Tomatoes, and Pimontones, vegetables 
unknown in England except among Spanish and Portuguese Jews. 


I have fruit fairly good for the climate ; I feed myself, my cow, and 
my goat, out of my garden during the absence of the King, who is in 
Silesia. My servants eat meat like wolves . I regret daily the distance 
which separates us, and it seems likely to be greater in a short time, 
seeing how old I am ; but be sure that, as long as I live, I shall retain 
my real friendship for you. 

" I heard from Neuchatel, by M. Chaillet, in favour of M. d'Escher- 
ney for Patents of Nobility. I refused them because, being no longer 
Governor, I ought not to mix myself up any more with the affairs 
of Neuchatel ; still, as you are interested in those two gentlemen, I 
will speak to the Ministers about them, and shortly will inform you 
of what they say. 

" The post which I had heard you had been given in Derbyshire 
was not a very important one, but showed me that the inhabitants 
wished to shew you their esteem. It was (as I was told) that of 
Inspector of Roads. Good night; I embrace you heartily." 

Milord Marechal to Rousseau 

" POTSDAM, 5 Sep., 1766. 

" I am very grieved to see that your enemies do not cease to put to 
Mr. Hume's account all that it pleases them to add to the broil 
between you and him. You tell me, ' When they are able to write 
or to say to you that I have done anything voluntarily and uncivilly, 
be quite certain that it is not true.' Your precaution is unnecessary, 
for I will never believe anything against you voluntarily as to 
honesty, and I shall always do my best to make every one agree 
to that opinion. 

" Your letter to Mr. Conway seems well put about being excused 
the pension, and has nothing in it to offend Mr. Conway. 

" You do not like Mr. Hume having solicited the sending of this 
pension on your account ; you agreed to it on my advice. It was 
not sent on account of the Ministry being overworked, and of the 
Secretary's illness. Was it not very natural that Mr. Hume begged it 
to be bestowed without thinking it necessary to consult you, having 
already received your approbation, especially serving you with 
zeal and friendship, as I am sure he did till this unhappy misunder- 
standing ? I regret, and shall regret all my days, not to have been 
in England, to prevent it, as I certainly should have done by shewing 
you all David wrote to me . You would have seen how really friendly 
he was. 


" I have been to Berlin on purpose to recommend Mr. d'Escherney 
and Mr. d'lvernois affair . . . as I foresee that you will be inundated 
with petitions to this Court through me, I beg you to say that I 
had already declared that I would not interfere any more with the 
affairs of Neufchatel, and that I had refused Colonel Chaillet what 
I have just done in your favour." 

Rousseau to Milord Marechal 

" 7 September, 1766. 

" I cannot express, milord, how much, under the circumstances 
in which I find myself, I am alarmed at your silence. The last 
letter I have received from you was of the .... Could it possibly 
be that the terrible outcry of Mr. Hume has made an impression 
on you, and have snatched from me, in the midst of such misfortunes, 
the only comfort I have left on earth ? No, milord, it cannot be 
that ; your strong mind could not have been carried away by the 
crowd ; your clear judgment could not be misled to that point. 
You have never known this man, no one has known him ; or rather, 
he is not the same person. He has never hated but one ; but what 
a hatred ! a single heart, can it suffice for two like that ? Hitherto 
he has walked in darkness, he has hid himself ; but now he shews 
himself in the open. He has filled England, France, the news- 
papers, the whole of Europe, with an outcry to which I cannot 
reply, with abuse of which I should think myself worthy if I con- 
descended to repulse it. ... But let us leave Mr. Hume, I will 
forget him, despite the evils he has wrought, if only he does not 
take my father from me ; that loss is the only one which I could 
not endure. Have you received my letters ? Have they luckily 
escaped the net with which I am surrounded, and through which 
but little passes ? It seems that my persecutor intends to close all 
my communication with the continent. ... I am prepared for 
everything, and I can bear anything except your silence. Ah ! 
milord ! if only a letter comes from you, I am consoled for all the 

Milord Marechal to Dupeyrou 

" Sept. 19, 1766. 

" I send you the name of a drug, or bark, Quassia, which they say 
is more efficacious than Quinine against tertian fever. It is worth 
while trying it. 


" The unhappy quarrel of our friend and Mr. Hume makes me 
daily more troubled ; every one is talking about it. I cannot 
justify his proceeding ; all I can do is to justify his heart, and to 
divide it from an error of his judgement which has misinterpreted 
David's intentions. I have seen a letter of d'Alembert about it. 
He also complains ; he said he spoke very favourably here about 
M. Rousseau at the King's table, which is true ; but I should not 
be sure that he has not changed his opinion, even before this un- 
fortunate affair. Our friend is blamed (the King spoke about it 
yesterday at table) because he said that they wanted to dishonour 
him in making him take a pension from the King of England : I said 
to H.M. that Mr. Rousseau had made a difficulty about receiving it 
after having refused his favours, but the Public outcry is too great. 
And, in truth, I do not see that M. Rousseau dishonoured himself 
by receiving that pension secretly, as the King of England wished, 
in order that the bigots among his clergy might not make an outcry 
against him, which is a fact ; it was a complaisance to a devout King, 
who had to consider his clergy, and was not dishonouring. Adieu. 
Son soir." 

Milord Marechal to Rousseau 

" POTSDAM, 25 Sep. 1766. 

" You have received mine, in which I write of this unhappy quarrel 
with Mr. Hume, whose intention I am convinced you have misinter- 
preted. In your last of the 6th you say that Mr. Hume never hated 
any one but you ; that is impossible : a fanatic, a false religious 
devotee, a flatterer of Despotism, or perhaps a writer who would 
not argue with you about something might not like you, but that 
Hume, whom you say has never hated any one, should begin by you, 
seems to me impossible ; unless your letter to him, who felt innocent, 
made him despair of ever again possessing your friendship : and it is 
more than probable that most of what you see in the public papers 
are by others than Mr. Hume ; the worst of it all is, that I do not 
see any remedy for the past : the best, it seems to me, will be not 
to talk about it any more. Your friends will do you justice because 
of your uprightness of heart. You must find some occupation for 
your mind ; botany will amuse you. But you are very lonely, 
and all men require some relaxation. I dread this winter for 
you. Good-bye; I embrace you heartily." 


Rousseau to Milord Marechal 

" WOOTTON, 21ih September, 1766. 

" I need not tell you, milord, how much your last two letters 
pleased me, and were necessary to me. This pleasure has been 
modified by more than one expression ; by one, which I will keep for 
a special letter, and also by those which concern Mr. Hume, whose 
name I cannot read, nor anything about it, without a heart-ache and 
a convulsive movement, which does worse than kill me, because it 
lets me live. I do not seek, milord, to destroy the opinion you and 
all Europe have of this man ; but I implore you, by your fatherly 
heart, not to speak to me ever again about him except in case of 
great necessity. . . . 

" Thank Heaven, I have now done at present as concerns Mr. 
Hume. The subject on which I have to speak to you now is such 
that I cannot make up my mind to mix it with that one in the 
same letter. For my sake take care of your precious life, I implore 
you ! Ah ! you do not know the gulf of misery into which I 
am plunged, what it would be to me to survive you ! " 

Then follows a more than two months' silence. 
Milord does not write ; he has done his best to assuage 
the injured feelings, to unravel the misunderstandings ; 
his health and power fail him ; at fourscore years he 
can do no more. 

There is now a change of tone towards his " son " 
Jean Jacques. 

Milord Marechal to Rousseau 

" POTSDAM, 22 Nov. 1766. 

" I ask your pardon if I have misinterpreted your feelings about 
the King of England's pensions ; and, as you had said to me of Mr. 
Hume, and as I was in destitution, he tried rather to have alms given 
me than to find me friends, that made me think that you did not 
want the pension. 

' * But certainly I had no intention of taking M. du Peyrou's friend- 
ship from you. I tried to remove your suspicions of Mr. Hume ; 
I did not succeed. I foresaw, that they would harm you, and I 
hoped that M. du Peyrou would remove them and help to calm 
H 18 


the unhappy quarrel with Mr. Hume. I wrote to him with that 
intention ; and I am sure he will do me justice on that head. 

" It is not for me to judge between you and me. I may be wrong ; I 
leave M. du Peyrou to judge. You tell me that M. du Peyrou, on 
the faith of my letter, looks upon you as an eccentric at least ; let M. du 
Peyrou also be the judge about that. 

" I am old, infirm, with too little memory left ; I do not re- 
member what I wrote to M. du Peyrou, but I am quite positive that 
I wished to serve you by calming a quarrel about suspicions which 
seemed to me ill-founded, and not to take a friend away from you : 
perhaps I also have done some silly things. In order not to do any 
in the future, I think it would be as well that I abridged our corre- 
spondence, as I have already done that with nearly all the world, 
even with my nearest relations and friends, in order to end my days 
in peace. Good night. 

" I say abridge, because I should always wish to hear news from 
time to time of your health, and if it is good. 

" I am reading Herera, and admiring the valour and the natural 
good sense (I do not say bon cceur) of the Spaniards. A little while 
after they came to America, on three different occasions, they 
petitioned their King not to allow any lawyers, whom they called 
Lettrados, nor doctors, nor baptized Jews, to go to the new colonies. 
There is common sense. I pop this note in the folds of my letter." 

Milord leaves Jean Jacques in Dupeyrou's hands. 

Milord Marechal to M. Dupeyrou 

" November 28, 1766. 

" I have had a letter from M. Rousseau complaining of me with 
much gentleness, because I misinterpreted his refusal of a pension ; 
this other is what I wrote to you about. As I am writing from 
memory, and as I find mine fails me much, I do not know at all what 
I wrote to you about in the letter in question ; but I know very 
well that I only wrote to you with the intention and in the hope 
that you could dispel his suspicions of Mr. Hume, which, in my 
opinion, every one would consider unjust ; I tried to dispel them 
long before the quarrel began, and you can judge for yourself if 
what I said was as a friend or an enemy. I consider him still as a 
good man, but embittered by misfortunes, and carried away by his 
passions, and who will not listen sufficiently to his friends. I cannot 


agree with him till he seems to me to be in the right. If in the 
future he shews proofs that Hume is a thorough scoundrel, cer- 
tainly I shall not agree with him ; but up till now I do not see any 
appearance of solid proofs. 

"It is very sad, especially for me who love peace and quiet and 
not worries, to be almost obliged to enter into a quarrel between 
two friends whom I esteem. I think I shall take the line, necessary 
for my peace, of not talking of or listening to anything about this 
unhappy affair. 

" As I cannot remember what I wrote to you, and as I have no 
copy of my letters, examine them. M r Rousseau does not give me 
my words, nor those of my letter to you, which, in order to judge 
rightly, I should know. This is how he ends : ' But if I have not 
been as wrong as you say, remember, I beg you, that the only friend 
I count on, besides you, looks on me, on the strength of your letter, 
as at least an eccentric.' " 

The letter of November 22nd is the last extant letter 
of Milord Marechal to Rousseau. Whether he wrote 
again is unknown ; the three following wails from poor 
Jean Jacques always his own enemy, always making 
trouble for himself, and, so terribly susceptible, ever on 
the look-out for slights and resentment would show 
that, from henceforth, he had lost, not, indeed, the 
kindly feeling of one whom he had looked upon as a 
father, but all direct touch with him. 

December llth, he repeats Milord's words : 

" Shorten our correspondence ! . . . Milord, what do you tell me, 
and what a time to take to do so ! Have I fallen perhaps into 
disgrace with you ? Ah ! in all the sorrows which overwhelm me 
that alone is the one I could not bear. If I am in the wrong, be 
pleased to forgive me ; could it be that my feelings for you could not 
redeem it ? Your kindnesses to me are the only comfort of my life ; 
do you wish to take from me this sole and dear consolation ? You 
have given up writing to your relations ! Ah ! what matter your 
relations, all your friends put together ? Have they such an affection 
for you as I have ? Ah ! milord, it is your age, it is my sorrows 
which make us mutually useful : how can we better employ the 


remains of life than by conversing with those who are dear to us ? 
You have promised me an eternal friendship ; I desire it always, 
I am still worthy of it. Land and sea divide us, men can sow 
discord between us ; but nothing can separate my heart from yours, 
and he who loved you once has never changed. 

" If really you dread the trouble of writing, it is my duty to spare 
you as much as possible ; I only ask, each time, two lines, always the 
same, and nothing more : ' I have received your letter of such a 
date ; I am well, and I love you still.' That is all ; repeat to me 
these ten words twelve times a year, and I am happy. 

" On my side I will be most careful never to write you anything 
which may annoy you or displease you : but to cease to write to 
you ere death separates us ! No, milord, that cannot be ; that can 
no more be than ceasing to love you. 

" If you keep to your cruel resolve, I shall die of it ; but that is 
not the worst ; I shall die in grief, and I predict that you will have 
some remorse. I await a reply, I await it in deadly anxiety ; but 
I know your soul, and that reassures me. If you can feel how neces- 
sary this reply is to me, I am very certain that it will soon come." 

Another two months' silence. Then, from the drear 
and dank English north, came another lamentation to 
the biting cold of the Brandenburg winter, which affected 
seriously " the old Valentian." 

Rousseau to Milord Marechal 

" February 8, 1767. 

" What ! milord, not a single word from you ! What a silence, 
and how cruel it is ! But that is not the worst ; the Duchess of 
Portland alarmed me much by telling me that the newspapers had 
said you were very ill, and begging me to give her news of you. You 
know my feelings, you can judge of the state in which I was ; to be 
in fear at one and the same time for your friendship and your life, 
ah ! it was too much ! I wrote at once to M. Kougemont to hear 
about you ; he informed me indeed that you had been very ill, but 
that you were better. But that is not enough to reassure me com- 
pletely, so long as I receive nothing from you. My protector, my 
benefactor, my friend, my father, will none of these titles move you ? 

" I fling myself at your feet and ask of you a single word. What 


shall I tell the Duchess ? Shall I tell her : ' Madame, milord marechal 
loved me, but he thinks I am too unfortunate for him to love me 
any more ; he writes to me no longer ! ' 
" The pen falls from my hand." 

Six long weeks Jean Jacques waited and then he 
gave up all hope. 

" March 19th, 1767. 

" All this is over, milord ; I have lost for ever your favour and 
your friendship, without being even able to know or to imagine how 
this loss has come about, not having any feeling in my heart, not 
an action in my conduct which has not deserved, I venture to say, 
to retain that precious good will, which, according to your so often 
reiterated promises, nothing could ever deprive me of. I easily 
imagine all they have been able to do with you in order to harm 
me ; I foresaw it, I warned you about it ; you assured me that 
they would never succeed ; I was obliged to believe it. Have they 
succeeded in spite of everything ? That passes me ; and how have 
they succeeded so far that you have not even condescended to tell 
me in what I am guilty, or at least of what I am accused ? If I am 
guilty, why be silent about my crime ? If I am not, why treat me 
as a criminal ? In informing me that you will cease to write to me, 
you give me to understand that you will not write any more to any 
one ; yet I learn that you write to everybody, and that I am the 
sole exception, though you know what an agony your silence causes 
me. Milord, however much in error you may be, if you knew that 
I did not express my feelings, you should know them ; but my 
situation, of which you can form no idea, your humanity, at least, 
would speak to you for me. 

" You are under a wrong impression, milord, and that is what 
comforts me. I know you too well to believe you capable of such 
an incomprehensible levity, especially at a time when, having come 
on your advice to the country in which I am dwelling, I am living 
there overwhelmed with all the misfortunes which touch most 
acutely a man of honour. You are under a wrong impression, I 
repeat ; the man you no longer love doubtless merits your displeasure ; 
but that man whom you think is myself, is not me. I have not 
lost your good-will, because I have not deserved to lose it, and 
because you are neither unjust nor fickle. Under my name they 
have described to you a phantom ; I leave you to it, and I wait till 


your hallucination passes away, quite certain that directly you see 
me as I really am you will love me as before. 

" But, meantime, may I not at least know if you receive my 
letters ? Is there no means by which I may learn news of your 
health instead of enquiring second or third hand, and only receiving 
stale, which does not soothe me ? Would you not at least allow 
one of your footmen to write and tell me from time to time how you 
are ? I am resigned to everything, but I cannot conceive anything 
more cruel than the perpetual uncertainty in which I am regarding 
what interests me most." 

The following autumn and winter, in solitude and 
bitterness at Wootton, Eousseau occupied himself in 
writing the memoirs he called his Confessions. His 
perspective had grown clearer with the lapse of time, 
and he has left us a fine pen-portrait of the friend he 
had lost. 

" He used to call me his child, and I called him my father. When 
I first beheld this venerable man my first feeling was to grieve 
over his sunken and wasted frame ; but when I raised my eyes to 
his noble features, so full of fire, and so expressive of truth, I was 
struck with admiration. Though a wise man, my Lord Marshal is 
not without defects. With the most penetrating glance, with the 
nicest judgement, with the deepest knowledge of mankind, he yet 
is sometimes misled by prejudices, and can never be disabused of 
them. There is something strange and wayward in his turn of 
mind. He appears to forget the people he sees every day, and 
remembers them at the moment when they least expect it ; his 
attentions appear unseasonable and his presents capricious. He 
gives or sends away on the spur of the moment whatever strikes 
his fancy, whether of value or whether a trifle. 

" A young Genevese, who wished to enter the service of the King 
of Prussia, being one day introduced to him, my lord gave him, in- 
stead of a letter, a small satchel full of peas, which he desired him 
to deliver to His Majesty. On receiving this singular recommenda- 
tion the King immediately granted a commission to the bearer. 
These great intellects have a secret language between them, a secret 
language which ordinary minds can never understand. Such 
little eccentricities, like the caprices of a pretty woman, rendered 


the society of my lord Marischall only the more interesting, and 
never warped in his mind either the feelings or the duties of friend- 

Milord never breathed a word against Rousseau. 
The latter abused him, while taking the pension Milord 
had settled upon him and Therese Le Vasseur. We 
have seen how Milord tried to be fair in his judgment 
over their quarrel both to Hume and to Jean Jacques. 
He kept the correspondence referring to it, but ordered 
Rousseau's only to be opened after the latter's death. 
" One must forgive these outbursts," he said, " from a 
man rendered unjust by misfortunes, and whom one 
must look upon as an invalid and treat accordingly/' 

In his will Milord Marechal bequeathed his watch to 
Rousseau. But the latter only survived him by a few 
weeks, and thus this precious personal relic passed 
into the hands of Therese Le Vasseur ! 


1766 TO 1768 

BARELY six months after the clamour against Rousseau 
had died out with his flight from Neuchatel, the latent 
feeling in the principality of insubordination against the 
royal authority broke out into practical rebellion. The 
new Deputy-Governor was imbued with the arbitrary 
methods of a Prussian official. 

In 1766 began the great fight against the Government, 
in which the townsfolk made common cause with the 

" The Court," ran the outcry, " claims to treat us as a province 
of a German state. As if we were under despotic power, as if we 
were not part of Switzerland ! They aim at placing us on an equality 
with the subjects of the Crown, and establishing absolute power 
over us ! Tithes on sainfoin, tithes on the fields, tithes on almanacs, 
and, as a culmination of evils, fermiers generaux ! Those are their 
designs upon us ! " 

Up till 1748 it had always been the custom to pay 
taxes according to the current price of grain, abri, 
and the current price of wine, vente. Then came a 
royal decree farming out the revenues. The frauds and 
the pestering of the farmers made the new system 
most unpopular, but Neuchatel petitioned against it in 
vain. Michel, the new Vice-Governor, was supported 
by a strong ruler, of absolute power, in great need of 
money after his long wars, and to whom the farming- 
out system was very advantageous. 



In 1766 the question became acute, as the leases of 
the fermiers generaux were expiring, and the people 
combined to procure a reversion to the old custom of 
abri and vente. The advertisement of the sale of the 
leases was forbidden by the Town Council of Neuchatel, 
and at the public auction no one bid. 

Frederic sent two Commissioners, Derschau and Co- 
lomb, to support Michel in carrying out the royal orders. 
Chaillet, the two de Purys, and Ostervald, violently on 
the side of the Town Council, were stripped of their 
citizenship. Gaudot, the lawyer, formerly a defender 
of the popular rights, but who had now gone over to 
the court party, was deputed by Derschau to carry the 
case to Bern, which had the right of arbitrament be- 
tween Prince and People. Bern gave judgment for 
Frederic, with costs ; Gaudot, appointed Lieutenant- 
Governor as a reward for his services, was foully mur- 
dered by the infuriated mob on the night of his return 
to Neuchatel. 

The allied cantons of Soleure, Friburg, and Lucerne 
came to the rescue with troops, to re-establish order in 
the principality. The citizens were disarmed, and sen- 
tenced to an indemnity. The Earl Marischall resigned 
for good, and in August 1768 General Lentulus, the 
King's personal friend, was appointed Governor in the 
place of the Earl Marischall ; a plan of pacification was 
presented and accepted by the people, and the abris 
and vente re-established. The Neuchatelois had gained 
their cause ; but, as Milord had prophesied, it had come 
to bloodshed. 

He wrote to his Courland friend, the Baron de 
Brackel, exiled from Russia, who lived near Yverdon 
at the side of the lake of Neuchatel, where he had 
bought land and built a chateau. 


" 23rd July, 1768. 

" I am very glad, my good Baron, to hear some news from you 
of what is going on in Neuchatel, for from people of that country 
one can only get partial news ; it is true that I do not interfere 
about, nor have any part in it. The lawyer Pury, is he not Charles- 
Albert, brother of the Colonel ? We are told that Gaudot had begun 
by firing many shots from his windows, on the people, on the 
grenadiers, in the windows of the houses within reach, which had 
irritated the patience of the people, who, in order to defend them- 
selves, attacked him ; in short, Gaudot, all alone, like a Briarius, 
wished to destroy the town and the suburbs by long shots. Other 
versions say that Gaudot had only his sword and a pair of pistols. 
I shall be very glad to see the letter you mention, written, it is said, 
by the lawyer Pury ; you can send it me by officers who are coming 
from the regiment of Rossiers (sic), the letter to David. 

" I have just seen a letter from Bern which says that Mr. Ostervald 
is in prison at Neuchatel ; it is apparently the Standard Bearer. I 
often said to them : ' Messieurs, you use so much such words as : 
his head should be broken, he must be shot, that you will soon come 
to acts.' They also say in the letter I have seen from Bern that 
three of the murderers are Bernese, or at least two ; the third, who 
was French, or of French extraction, cut his own throat. I suspect 
they have been paid to commit the murder, for it is difficult to 
believe that foreigners would be so fanatical about affairs at Neu- 
chatel. We shall know many things in time and by the reports. I 
am very uneasy lest any of my friends should have done anything 

The venerable Governor, in his hermit life at Sans 
Souci, must have once again congratulated himself at 
being quit of this people, too advanced, too self-asser- 
tive, too free for the times and also for his views and 
his master's methods. 

Chancellor Tribolet, the historian of Neuchatel for 
the century which included the Earl Marischairs 
governorship, thus sums up both his character and his 
rule : 

" Sa conduite publique et particuliere dans ce pays presente 
divers traits d'inconstance, de boutade, et meme de hauteur, qui 


s'accordent peu avec la bonhomie et le simplicie de caractere qu'un 
panegyriste [a doctor of medicine] lui attribue. Lord Keith a laisse 
la reputation d'un honnete homme, mais fier de sa naissance et de 
la faveur de Frederique II, favour qui lui assura les egards des 
Corps de 1'Etat et des particuliers." 

The Earl MarischalFs life, after the disturbances in 
Neuchatel had been appeased, flowed on as placidly in 
his little house at Sans Souci as that of his master in 
the villa up the long steps above him. Frederic was 
busy healing the wounds of war all over his lands, per- 
sonally investigating, reforming, reconstructing every 
department of the State. The iniquitous partition of 
Poland, entailing a legacy which has borne evil fruit 
for his successors some century and a half later, was 
accomplished without bloodshed. 

The old Milord was in good health. " We cannot eat 
our Kake and have our Kake," he wrote to Seton; 
" old age is not to be complained of, after enjoying 
health long." His flower and kitchen gardens and his 
cows were now all in order, his house furnished. By 
Hugh Mitchell he had ordered from Great Britain 
carpets, mahogany tables, made in a special style, tea- 
boards, bolts for doors, and, last but not least : 

Plays : " Humours of Sir John FalstafL" 

" Merry Wives of Windsor." 

" Silent Woman." 

" Love for Love." 

" Love a la Mode." 

" Sir Courtly Nice." 

" Farquhar's Plays." 

At midsummer 1766 he wrote to Seton : 

" I am in my new house, neat and snug ; but if I had any inclina- 
tion to build, what I now see would correct me ; this little house 
with a little bit of garden (tho' enough since I have a door into the 


King's gardens) cost H.M. 12,000 dolars, tho', having the wood, he 
builds cheaper than others ; and my small additions and furniture 
costs me about 4,000 dollars ; the whole if set to sale might be worth 
6,000. So that it's folly to build a house if one could buy ready made 
as Quin bought love, but did not make it. I can only wish Mr. 
Smith better health, but cannot expect it ; he has enjoyed long 
health and long life, and never man led a better. I wish the same 
to every one belonging to you. My respects to your mother, my 
oldest acquaintance among you all." 

The venerable Milord was well cared for at home. 
Ermetulla had returned to him, and lived in the adja- 
cent house. His servants were like his children. To 
the Scots he had given the option of returning home. 
With his " little horde of Tartars " he " got on very 
well/' At one time not one of his dependents had been 
baptized. Every sort of religion was represented in 
his household. The orientals he had had educated, 
but they were in no way slaves, and he made no effort 
to proselytize them. After his brother's death he 
added to his menagerie, Motcho, a young negro who 
had served the Field-Marshal faithfully through all his 
campaigns. Motcho he provided for in the event of 
his decease, as he had done for Stepan and Ilbraham, 
namely, by an annuity on the Hotel de Ville, Paris, on 
five hundred livres each. A kind and charitable lady 
dubbed the old Milord " good Abraham," and he was 
wont thus to sign himself in his letters to her. 

Milord had a host of friends. Three generations had 
loved him. To earn his friendship was the sign-manual 
of solid qualities. He had correspondents in nearly 
every capital and every country, to whom he wrote 
witty, merry letters, showing the charm of the kindly 
old man. To the French philosopher, Helvetius, he 
sent turnip-seeds for his garden, and also to Madame 
de Vasse, whose rooms in the Convent of St. Joseph 


From a drawing by Ilbraham his valet, in the possession of the Marquis of Lansdowne. 

JI. 284] 


at Paris had been for three years on and off one of 
Charles Edward's secret hiding-places, and whom the 
Earl Marischall had known well in those now far-off 
days of mystery. 

To Hume, in France, he wrote often, and when supping 
with the King wished the stout philosopher were of the 

" Many compliments to the good, or wicked David; he will be 
glad to hear that he has been elevated by public acclamation 
to the supreme rank of Saint. The street where he lives in Edin- 
burgh is called St. David's Street. Vox populi, vox Dei. Amen." 

Earl Marischall to Hugh Seton 

" Your Bergerac wine is very good ; but, being all the summer 
in a hot cellar, it worked away all its sweetness, and is now a good 
dry wine ; please order for me by the first occasion to Hamburg 
one other hogshead of the same. The common table drink here 
is called Pontac, red, nasty stuff, about 12 pence french a botle, bying 
it at Stetin, where I suppose it is made ; if I can have some red stuff 
like unto wine, and very cheap, send me also a hogshead ; but if 
you have none very cheap, I will make some myself, as good as 
theirs, with a little brandy, blackberries, and water. . . . My com- 
plements to your sister ; the promised onion seed from Portugal, 
make her remember to send me some." 

The Earl Marischall to Hugh Seton 

" POTSDAM, 12 Sept., 1767. 

" I expect a clock from Neuchatel, a clock with two cilinders of 
times, one of scotch ; it is intended as a legacy for you. I am 
without sickness or pain ; but my memory much failed, my legs, in 
a word, wearing fast, as is my friend Charles (Smith) . I hope your 
mother holds out stifly ; my best respects and wishes to you all. 
May you live a thousand years." 

The Earl MarischalFs lawsuit against the York Build- 
ing Company, over the balance due on his estate, 
dragged on from 1766 till the autumn of the following 


year. James Boswell, of Auchenlick, was the Earl's 
counsel before the Barons of the Exchequer. For, 
though Marischall won his case, the Company delayed 
the closing of the accounts, and a petition had to be 
made to the Exchequer. 

But these financial worries, with which distance and 
time made it rather difficult to cope, hardly perturbed 
the old man's serenity, as his letters of that time show. 

To Chaillet he sent a story he remembered current 
at the time of the battle of Rosbach : 

" Which reminds me of an amusing adventure of a young fellow, 
too young to be a soldier, who was with General Seidlitz. ' What 
must I do ? ' he asked the general, on the day of the battle. Seidlitz 
replied : ' Take prisoner a French general.' 

" Seidlitz having been brought in badly wounded, the young 
fellow came and said to him : ' See, here is a French general, as you 
have ordered me,' as coolly as if he had been ordered to buy a pound 
of biscuit ; he was made an officer. 

" While I am talking about the adventures in the late war, I 
must tell you about a deed which has not been made known as 
much as it deserves : after the unhappy affair against the Russians 
at Cunnersdorff, it was difficult to pursuade the King to retire ; at 
last a Lieutenant of Hussars (or a Captain at most) named Pretwitz 
saw a body of the enemy, Grenadiers, Cavalry, and Hussars ; he ran 
to the King and told him that he really must retire beyond the bridge 
with the remains of the army which were left, adding : ' I will 
check the enemy a while, or I will die like a brave man.' He forced 
the King to retire, so to speak. Then he shouted to his Hussars : 
' Let us save our Father ! ' and attacked so fiercely that he crushed 
two battalions of grenadiers, overthrew the cavalry, fought for two 
hours, and had the good luck to retire. The King gave him an 
estate worth fifty thousand francs, and I, if I could, I would put up 
a statue to him. He is a good fellow through out, gentle and kind.'* 

Characteristic is a letter to Baron de Brackel : 

" 25 , 1770. 

" I have received, my dear Baron, the pamphlets you have sent 
me, and have read them with delight, though I find some things to 


find fault with ; for instance, the miracle of the drowning 2,000 
pigs, where there were no pigs, seems to me all the greater. I say 
the same of the dead horses of Pharaoh's army ; it is grander, as a 
miracle, to make a dead horse gallop than a living one. I confess 
that there are miracles which please me very much, and about 
which it gives me pleasure to think ; some of St. Vincent of Valencia 
are excellent. The Prior of his convent had forbidden him to do 
any miracles, from jealousy over the business. The saint saw a 
workman fall off a steeple ; he was much torn between the wish to 
save the poor man and to obey his Prior ; he took the happy medium 
of halting the workman midway in the air, and then ran off to the 
Prior to ask leave to perform a miracle and not let the workman 
break his neck. The same saint found a distraught woman : ' What is 
the matter, my good woman ? ' said the saint. ' Ha ! my Father,' she 
said, ' my husband maltreats me only because I am not pretty ; he has 
nothing else to find fault with me about.' ' Be comforted,' replied 
St. Vincent, giving her two or three little nudges under her chin. 
The husband, on returning home, found a young person of rare 
beauty; he spoke to her ; she replied that she was his wife. The 
husband was full of delight over the change, for she had become 
the beauty of the country-side. She was much sought after by 
gallants, and in a few days she became a finished coquette. The 
husband complained to the saint, telling him that he would rather 
have an honest, ugly wife who looked after her house than a pretty 
one who did nothing else but be courted as much as she could. 
The saint went to see her, gave her a sermon about the ill use to 
which she put her beauty, gave her again a few little nudges under 
the chin, and left her uglier (and I think consequently wiser) than 
she had ever been before. There is so much humanity and justice 
in this miracle that you will agree with me that it is one of the 
finest. I could tell you, for your edification, of many very excellent 
miracles, and very amusing ones ; but I fear to bore you. . . ." 

His great friend, his Deeside neighbour, Sir Andrew 
Mitchell, the British Ambassador, died suddenly ; 
Stosch, the Earl MarischalFs secretary, used great 
circumspection in acquainting his master with his 
friend's demise. Marischall never uttered a word on 
the subject till three months later, when he praised 
Mitchell's memory with much warmth, and expressed 


how much he missed his friendship. His friends who 
had passed away Milord " liked/' he said, " to re- 
suscitate, for a moment, in the memory of other men, 
when they were already nearly effaced, and lived only 
in his own recollection." 

Like Leonardo da Vinci, he hated to see a caged 
bird. He loved children, and " down to spiders and 
frogs, he was fond of all created things." All his 
animals were free and well treated. He had no taste 
for precocious children. lt We only make fools of these 
poor little heads," he said, " tormented and tired as 
they are by forced marches, which they are made to 
undergo on the first days of their journey, and can only 
go half-way." 

With fine aristocratic manners, blended with a charm- 
ing politeness, he was dignified and proud of his five 
hundred years of pedigree. But he spoke thus of birth : 
" How unlucky this gift of Nature is when a man does 
not know how to turn it to account ! " and he was wont 
to tell a story of a peasant who looked upon a gentle- 
man as a god, and defined the plague as "an abomin- 
able calamity when a gentleman is not sure of his 

Singularly upright, he was, though so high in the 
King's favour, incorruptible, as this anecdote shows. 

A distinguished personage wanted a principality in 
Prussia, and asked Milord to see about it. 

"I think," the latter replied, "that Gradam himself, if he came 
back to this world, would not succeed if he desired a province of this 
King, as he failed when he came with all the power and riches of 
the Orient to secure, by fair means or foul, Bayards and Durlindana. 
Another reason will prevent our succeeding. The King is not in- 
solvent [he was speaking at the end of the war in 1763, when half 
Europe was ruined] ; it would be better to apply to those who are ; 
his Imperial Majesty is not very straight in his affairs ; the Duke 


of W - has often an empty purse ; his magnificence surpasses 
his riches. I could name others ; but I am a discreet negotiator." 

Though he grumbled enough himself over the climate 
of other places, he would not hear d'Argens, the hypo- 
chondriacal Provencal member of the Sans Souci circle, 
abuse Berlin. " I think," he said, " you would not be 
happy in the Elysian Fields, and would prefer Tar- 

" As long as I knew Milord Mareckal," writes his secretary, Mussell 
Stosch, " his life was one succession of acts of charity ; he concealed 
them carefully, showering his alms in secret with excellent discretion, 
always in proportion to his means and to the needs and position 
of those who were the object of them. He always spared them 
the trouble of gratitude ; he gave liberally, and kept his gifts 
anonymous if he could ; or, at least, he certainly only had himself 
as witness of them. He did not like lending ; he preferred to give. 
* For if,' he said, ' the presence of a benefactor is sometimes irksome, 
I notice that that of a creditor is even more so.' 

" His charities were always delicate ; and he always had money 
to give because he was methodical and economical in his expendi- 
ture, and averse to show or ostentation. ' Spendthrifts,' he wrote, 
' are not worthy of being charitable ; what they consume in vain 
expenses is stolen from the unfortunate, often fcona their creditors ; 
their alms, if they give any, are therefore an injustice, and they 
therefore but practise one virtue at the expense of another.' " 

His philanthropy was discriminating. He did not 
pauperize, nor did he assist the vicious or the idle. But 
he was afraid of resembling a philosopher friend who 

" That one of the misfortunes of old age is that it brings coolness 
to charity, because one has learnt how unworthy people are, and 
regrets having helped amiss, and who, therefore, proposed to use his 
last moments in asking pardon of God for the good which he^imagined 
he has done during his life." 



At eighty he was interesting himself in promising 
young officers at Potsdam, and introducing them to 
Spanish literature. 

When more than middle-aged he offered marriage, 
in name only, to a lady he liked and respected, the 
widow of a Prussian Lieutenant- General, who was left 
with two children, many debts, and no money. The 
Earl Marischall proposed to settle seven thousand livres 
on her. " This advance jointure," he said, " is all the 
fairer, because, with a husband such as I intend to be, 
she must enjoy beforehand all the honours and rights 
of widowhood/' Discarding any idea of a happy home 
for himself, he expressly stipulated that neither of 
them should change their place of abode. However, 
the King came to the rescue, paid the deceased General's 
debts, gave his widow a pension, and there was no 
Countess Marischall. 

For ten years he maintained a poor old woman whose 
goodness and misery had touched him. Many times 
a day he would ask : " My old woman, is she well ? 
Is she happy ? Does she lack anything ? i! 

One day he bought a poor pedlar's stock-in-trade 
and gave him a louis to boot. Two years later the man 
returned, and with tears in his eyes told Milord Marechal 
that his kindness had brought him good luck, and 
begged him to accept the present of a turnip. Milord 
thanked him, and invited friends to dinner to partake 
of " one of the finest presents he had ever received, 
and one he least forgot/' 

To his friends he was generous. His wardrobes were 
full of things he could give away, and they rarely left 
empty-handed. " I should be very curious," he re- 
marked, "to be present at my inventory, and to see 
my heirs 5 surprise when they see so many things which 
they will wonder what I meant to do with them." 


Ilbraham, the Tibetan attendant, was related to 
the Grand Llama at Llassa, the sovereign pontiff ; 
Milord often used him as the medium of his charities, 
and dubbed him, in allusion to his race, " my grand 

In 1767 Milord Marechal was elected a member of the 
Berlin Academy of Science and Art. Maupertuis, the 
President, in his welcoming address, mentioned Field- 
Marshal Keith, and suggested an Academical Eulogy 
for the noble dead. Milord made no set speech in 
return, he did not even speak of himself, but only of 
James's life and end. " Probus vixit" he said, " fortis 
obiit." But, to others, it seemed as though the words 
characterized both brothers. 


DECEMBER 1768 TO MAY 1778 

THOUGH the Earl Marischall did not like his heir to his 
Scotch estates, Lord Halkertoun, he took great interest 
in a Keith cousin, though for years they had served 
opposing Powers, Sir Robert Keith, son of Keith of 
Craig. Sir Robert had been British Minister in Russia, 
and at Vienna. His son, Colonel Robert Murray Keith, 
had been in the British, Dutch, and German military 
service. A protege of James Keith, he was very at- 
tached to the venerable head of his family. In 1765 
Colonel Keith was appointed British Minister at Dres- 
den, and received a congratulatory letter from the 
Earl Marischall. 

" POTZDAM, December 26th, 1768. 

" I am obliged to you for letting me know of your nomination 
to the Court of Dresden, for it gives me great pleasure, from the 
particular concern I take in what regards you, my friendship for 
your father, and the memory of your grandfather, who had few 
equals. You are a good race. I wish you would continue it." 

The following year the Earl Marischall was able to 
show some civility to travelling fellow-countrymen 
through Colonel Keith, and sent by them a seal to him 
with his profile engraved on it. Sir Robert wrote to 
his father : 

" The invitation [to Court] was communicated through Lord 
Marischall, who, on my letter, showed the greatest civilities to 





Mr. Solicitor Dunning and Colonel Barre ; and they owed to him 
their introduction to the monarch, which had otherwise been 
refused. His Lordship sent me, by Mr. Dunning, a cornelian, with 
his own little thin face upon it ; I seal this letter with it." 

A few days later Colonel Keith came from Dresden to 
pay the Earl Marischall a visit : " I am on the very 
point of setting out for Berlin, for a fortnight to see Sir 
Andrew Mitchell and Lord Marischall, who has long 
pressed me to make this journey." 

He wrote, on his return to Dresden, to his sister 
Anne an account of their stay, which gives a delightful 
glimpse of the old Milord, now about eighty-four. 

" Since my return here Lord Marishal has conveyed to me an 
invitation from him to make a second visit. . . . 

" My stay of three days with Lord Marishal was productive of no 
very material consequence, yet I had good reason to believe that 
I enjoyed both his good opinion and his confidence. He is the most 
innocent of God's creatures ; and his heart is much warmer than 
his head. The place of his abode is the very temple of dullness, 
and his female companion is perfectly calculated to be the priestess 
of it. He finds, notwithstanding, a hundred little occupations, 
which fill up the twenty-four hours in a manner to him not un- 
pleasing ; and I really am persuaded he has a conscience that would 
gild the inside of a dungeon. The history of the feats performed 
by the bare-legged warriors (the Highland Regiment in Germany) 
in the late war, accompanied by a pibroch in his outer room, have an 
effect upon the old Don which would delight you. If there is a 
perfect living upon principle to be met with, he is the man, and 
from conviction so. I am charged with all manner of kind messages 
from him to the Hermitage." 

He also wrote to his father : 

" DRESDEN, March 18th, 1770. 

"... I believe I told you that Lord Marischall has conveyed 
to me, since my return, a very gracious invitation to a second visit 
which may possibly take place in the autumn. He mentioned 
you again upon this occasion in very distinguished terms, and I 


know that lie said very obliging things of your son to a great lady 
here, with whom he keeps up a familiar correspondence. All this 
is perfectly in his style, but, however honourable, I am weaned 
from the hope of its being any way advantageous to my fortune. 

" Lord Marischall came to meet me at Sir Andrew's, where we 
passed five days together. My visit to his country residence was 
three days ; and I had reason to be convinced that it gave the old 
Don great pleasure. He talked to me with the greatest openness and 
confidence of all the material incidents of his life ; and hinted often 
that the honour of the clan was now to be supported by our family, 
for all of whom he had the greatest esteem. 

" His taste, his ideas, and his manner of living are a mixture of 
Aberdeenshire and the Kingdom of Valentia, and, as he seeks to 
make no new friends, he seems to retain a strong, though silent, 
attachment to his oJd ones. As to his political principles, I believe 
him to be the most sincere of all converts. 

" I told you of the present of the family seals, most of them 
trifling baubles, and a small MSS. [unfortunately not recovered] 
containing some curious anecdotes relating to himself and the people 
he had unfortunately been engaged with. He never mentioned his 
private affairs, nor his intentions in futurity ; but I have reason 
to believe that when his stupid companion has had her share and 
that a considerable one the remainder will be very properly 
disposed of to the Elphinstones. I correspond very regularly with 
him, and he has even given me hopes of passing a few days here 
with me in the summer. . . . 

" Since I began this I have had a most inimitable letter from 
Lord Marischall. I had mentioned Bailies to him, and begged he 
would send me a state of his case and infirmities, that the doctor 
might prescribe for him. This is part of his answer : 

" 'I thank you for your advice of consulting the English Doctor 
to repair my old carcase. I have lately done so by my old coach, 
and it is now almost as good as new. Please, therefore, to tell the 
Doctor that from him I expect a good repair and shall state the case. 
First, he must know that the machine is the worse for wear, being 
near eighty years old. The reparation I propose that he shall 
begin with is : one pair of new eyes, one pair of new ears, some 
improvement on the memory. When this is done, we shall ask 
new legs and some change in the stomach ; this first reparation will 
be sufficient ; and we must not trouble the Doctor too much at 


'* You see by this how easily his Lordship's infirmities sit on him ; 
and it is really so as he says." 

The following year Colonel Keith wished to erect, on 
the field of Hochkirch, a monument to his distinguished 
cousin, James Keith ; it still exists. Colonel Keith, 
on being transferred to the Court of Copenhagen, paid 
the Earl Marischall a little visit at Berlin on his way 
thither, and discussed the project. He wrote to his 
father : 

" My good Lord Marischall seemed mightily glad to see me at 
Potsdam. He is grown twice as thin and tottering as when you 
saw him ; but says, with great good humour, that he feels all the 
springs of the machine wearing out an equal pace, and that he 
hopes, when it falls to pieces, it will be without much pain and 
preparation. He seemed much pleased with the Elphinstones, to 
whom he has lately given the little ready money he had : and told 
me he had given Mr. Keith a good purchase of Dunottar, as a 
reward for the attachment of the family." 

Colonel Keith saw the King, who 

" Recapitulated several of these good services [of the clan], be- 
ginning with those of the late departed Marshal Keith, and finishing 
with those that came nearer home to me. ... I hardly dare flatter 
myself with the hope of seeing Lord Marischall again, though I 
wish it much, from the real aSection I bear him. . . . Lord Marischall 
has agreed to my erecting a decent gravestone to the memory o! 
his late brother, and in the place where he fell. They sent me two 
inscriptions, but they were long and languid. I have engaged Baron 
Hagan, a friend of Matestano, to touch me up something manly and 
energetic, and in the course of this summer my tribute of veneration 
for the memory of a brave man will be recorded on monumental 
marble. I need not tell you that upon that marble there will be 
no more mention of me than of the man in the moon." 

A New Year's letter to Hugh Seton in 1771 shows 
how hale the Earl Marischall was. It was sent by 
one of his great nephews, an Elphinstone, to whom 


Ermetulla had presented at Berlin a purse of 500, her 

" This goes by Mr. Elphinstone with my best wishes to you and 
yours of many good new years. I am well for my age, though I do 
not dance reels like the Patriarcall Patersons." 

The following extract from an old bundle of family 
anecdotes at Touch House, explains this reference to 
the Patersons : 

"... In the year 1776 the writer of the present narrative saw 
Lady Barrowfield, at the age of 97, her brother, Sir Hugh Paterson, 
at 94, and their younger sister, Mrs. Smith, at 92, dance a Reel 
together, to an old Jacobite tune in the drawing-room at Touch 
House, with wonderful spirit and agility." 

Among the Earl MatischalFs fellow countrymen who 
all went on pilgrimage to Potsdam when they came to 
Berlin, and to whom he was ever ready to show all 
civility, was General H. S. Conway, nephew of Sir 
Robert Walpole. This distinguished officer and poli- 
tician arrived in Berlin in the summer of 1774, accom- 
panied by Colonel Keith, with whom he was making a 
military tour through France, Flanders, Prussia, and 
Hungary, to see Frederic the Great's annual reviews. 
They stayed at Potsdam with the Earl Marischall, who 
had known General Oonway in London. The latter's 
wife, a Scotswoman, the widow of the Earl of Aylesbury, 
and a daughter of the Duke of Argyll, was a friend of 
Hume and Rousseau. 

Conway wrote from Dresden to Sir Robert Keith 
about his old friend : 

'"' ... I stayed three days at Potsdam with much entertainment 
[of Frederic he had a most nattering gracious audience], for a good 
part of which I am obliged to your excellent old friend, Lord 
Marischall, who showed me all the kindness and civility possible. 

TTo of :r 


He stopped me as I passed, and not only made me dine with him 
that day, but in a manner live with him. He is not at all blind, as 
you imagined ; so much otherwise, that I saw him read a difficult 
hand I could not easily decipher, without spectacles." 

Shortly afterwards Sir Robert Keith died and the 
Earl Marischall wrote to condole with Colonel, now Sir 
Robert Murray Keith. 

" POTSDAM, 15th October, 1774. 

" I am very sorry, good sir, for your late loss. I have known 
three generations of your family, and three successions of so worthy 
men I know nowhere to be found. I hope, Sir, Basil shall soon give 
a fourth. I continue without pain, but very weak. If I hold out 
this winter it will be much. 

" Ever faithfully yours, 


From time to time the old Milord's thoughts wan- 
dered back, as those of old folk will, to the past, and 
to the south he loved. He wrote to a Scots friend, 
Sir Arthur Forbes, of Craigievar, who was about to 
travel for the winter in a warmer climate. 

" POTZDAM, 23reZ August, 1771. 

" I hope, dear Sir, it is for pleasure rather than health that you 
go to the south of France, as I am told, for you know how well I 
wish you and your family. If it is for health I advise you to pass 
the Pyrenees, and jog along the sea-shore until you come to Valencia 
the finest air, I believe, in the world. The sea-breezes refresh the 
air sufficiently all the summer-season. The Captain-General or 
Vice-Roy is my particular friend, and a Frenchman his wife a 
Flamande. You will likewise find a good many of the people of 
the town and garrison who speak French, which I take to 
be the only reasonable objection can possibly be made. If you 
follow my advice, you will thank me for it. 

" Ever faithfully yours. 

" M." 


He also remembered Swiss friends, and the Swiss 
climate ! 

" May 22nd, 1773. 

"... I have not received your thanks about what I am trying 
to do for those belonging to you ; I thank myself, Ich bedanke mich \ 
it will always be a pleasure to serve you. . . . You tell me that the 
Genevese are still blocaded, that no one can leave without a French 
passport ; they have Savoy and the lake open to get out by. That 
is what comes of asking the protection of a grande puissance, une 
grande potence, as a Venetian said to me, that the most Serene 
[Republic of Venice] was during the war of 1734 between two great 
gallows, the house of Austria and that of Bourbon. 

" I appreciate your Canadian seed, a country colder than Switzer- 

" Madame de Froment sends her complements. Good-bye ; I 
embrace you with most affectionate friendship." 

He was also in constant correspondence with Hugh 
Seton, Ermetulla's trustee. The following letter shows 
that the latter's English was very weak. 

" MONSIEUR, I am writing in French because the letter is from 
Madame de Froment as well as from myself. ... My best wishes 
to all the Patriarchals ; I hope, they are all well." 

Hugh Seton had just bought the Appin estate. 

" I have often thought that, if your country of Appin is good for 
trees, you might plant some guine-trees (black cherry-trees, in French 
morisco). The wood is good for joiners' work, and the cherries give 
by distillation brandy far better than that from wine . Think on this ; 
if my project is good for nothing, lay the blame on my desire to 
serve you." 

In 1774 Hugh Seton's son went to Berlin, then a 
Mecca for continental tourists, and was warmly re- 
ceived by the Earl Marischall and Madame de Froment, 
who wrote to his father : 


" Je eu le plaisir de voire ici M r votre fils qui est un charmant 
cavalier tre bien eleve, je vous felicite d'avoire un si emable enfant, 
et a Madame Seaton a qui je vous pris de milles compliment de me 
par et a Madame Smith a toutes votre famille. . . . 


Milord Marechal was approaching ninety, happy and 
placid, despite failing memory, sight and hearing, and 
legs. He was pulled about his garden in a chair. But 
was " as fresh, except as to his legs," writes Frederic to 
Voltaire, " as a young man." 

But he could no longer go to dinner with the King, 
unless it was taken in the Chinese pavilion, where there 
were no steps, so that he could be taken in his chair. 
But Frederic would occasionally drop in on his old 
friend, and rest in the little house and have a chat. 

For, as the circle of friends at Sans Souci dwindled 
with the years, the venerated Milord Marechal, the 
elder among the guests, recalled the days of Keyserling, 
Rothenburg, Jordan, and the Marquis d'Argens. No 
one called Milord other than " the, King's Friend." 

'* Our honoured and good Milord Marechal" wrote Frederic to 
Voltaire in 1775, "is wonderfully well, his noble mind is cheerful 
and contented, and I hope we may yet keep him for a long time. 
This gentle philosopher lives only to do good. All the English who 
pass through here gravitate to him. He lives opposite Sans Souci, 
and is respected and loved by every one. There is a happy old age ! 
. . . His mind is as clear as in his youth, he is cheerful and amusing, 
and enjoys universal respect." 

But to Hume the Earl Marischall wrote that the 
frost and snow at Berlin were trying to un pobre viejo 
Cristiano Espanol, and drew a crisp metaphor of his 
state of health from the practice then in vogue with 
travellers of descending Mont Cenis by tobogganing 
surely the first known mention of winter sports ! " I am 


going down the hill very fast, but easily, as one descends 
the Mont Cenis ramasse, without toil or trouble." 

A touching little anecdote exhibits Frederic's tender- 
ness for his old friend. One day at the King's cafe, after 
dinner, when Frederic was in the midst of a most 
interesting conversation with his guests, he suddenly 
perceived that old Milord Marechal, who had been 
ailing, had dropped asleep on a sofa in a corner of 
the room. The King immediately beckoned for silence, 
stole on tiptoe across towards old Milord, and, taking 
out his pocket-handkerchief, laid it gently on the old 
man's head. Then he retired into another apartment, 
where he resumed the conversation just where it had 
been interrupted. 

The Earl Marischall was sinking down into what was 
to him the Great Unknown in a placidly pagan fashion, 
as remote both from the faith of his Roman Catholic 
intimates in Spain and Rome, and from the heathenism 
and deism of his faithful Orientals, as it was from the 
Protestantism of the preachers on whom he had been 
so severe in Switzerland, and the Anglicanism in which 
he had been reared. 

When in company of those whose views coincided 
with his own he joked over the silly ministers ; he 
made fun of dogmas. In almost every letter he writes 
there is a gibe against some sort or other of ecclesiastic 
lamas as he called them. Even to the Inquisition in 
Spain he boldly announced that he was " a pronounced 
heretic." Yet those who differed from him loved him. 
Benedict XIII sent him indulgences, which, however, 
some think apocryphal, because not countersigned by 
a diocesan. In any case, the Earl Marischall became 
possessed of them ; but it is quite within the bounds of 
possibility that he manufactured them himself, to play 
a joke upon his friends. 



The correspondence about the donation of these in- 
dulgences is extant, and consists of four MSS. in folio. 

No. I. is a letter in bad Italian, or worse Latin, in 
which the Pope is asked by Count John Nesselrode, 
Canon of Minister and Basel, for indulgences for himself 
and his relations. He asked for a thousand, and only 
got three hundred. No. II. is the document of Cardinal 
Coscia, bestowing upon the petitioner three hundred 
indulgences. No. III. is a letter of Count W. Nesselrode, 
bestowing this gift of indulgences, of which twelve 
were transferable, to " Keith." IV. is the following 
letter of Milord giving some to his friend, Baron de 

" POTSDAM, March the 1st, 1777. 

" MY GOOD BARON, as I am assured of your friendship, I will tell 
you that I have become possessed of a treasure surpassing all the 
goods of this world. It is Plenary Indulgences in articulo mortis, 
with power to give them to twelve people as I choose. You can 
well believe that you are among the number of my elect, and I send 
one also to my good friend David Hume, and I beg you to offer 
one to M. de Voltaire : it is always well to have two strings to one's 
bow. I am not yet well informed as to how this remedy, which 
is infallible, is taken ; one goes to paradise more quickly than a 
rocket when it is set alight. God bless the holy Pope who discovered 
this inestimable secret ; it is better than the invention of the com- 

" N.B. The matter is too serious to laugh about. Rest assured 
that these indulgences are authentic ; I have examined them. 

" I am pretty well. My melons will be ripe in three weeks. 

' ' Give me news of yourself ; you know I am deeply interested in 
it, and that I am faithfully attached to you. 


" I am going to send off your indulgences, which I will send by 
the first good opportunity. Good night." 

He also sent one to d'Alembert, with much the same 
description, adding : 


" As I wish you well in this world and the next, I offer you a 
place among my Elect. Donation is Authentic ; long live Holiness ! 

In another letter to d'Alembert he wrote : 

" The passport I send seems a very common thing ; but a few 
centuries hence (if by chance such a thing is to be found) it will be 
sought after, like the way of baptizing children in their mother's 
womb, proposed by Good Sterne, which appeared to him very 
orthodox ; for I don't think such a worthy priest would have laughed 
over such a grave matter. Adieu : I hope you will come shortly 
to your servant the Spanish Hermit." 

Unlike many old people whom failing hearing, sight, 
and memory render irritable, Milord, as we have seen, 
joked about his eyes and ears. Having read somewhere 
that men matured and fell like ripened fruit, and that 
death was full perfection, " I shall soon be ripe ! " he 

He neither clung to life nor did he hate it. A friend 
who was with him all his last few years has told how 
that, though often in a state of mental collapse from 
which he could not rally himself, he spoke of the end 
without excitement or faltering, " thinking," he said, 
" with a sage of old, that we should leave this world's 
stage as quietly as an actor after having ill or well 
played his part." 

Despite failing eyesight, he kept up his reading, and 
when well over eighty re-read the Latin classics. 

Voltaire, that other old man, spending anything but 
a happy old age, so far away from the Great Frederic, 
often inquired of the latter after Milord. 

A few weeks before Milord's ninetieth birthday 
Voltaire wrote : 

" I wish health and a long life to Marshal Keith. I wish him a 
quiet repose, which his activity of every kind has so well deserved. 


I am in despair at dying so far away from him, and I venture to 
ask him with as much respect as affection to continue his kindness 
to me. ... I venture to ask a favour of Your Majesty : it is to 
deign to tell me which is the older, milord Marechal or myself ; 
I am in my eighty- third year, and I think he is only eighty- two. I 
wish that you may one day live to be in your hundred-and- twelfth." 

The sage of Ferney was deceived. The Earl Mari- 
schaH's little weakness was to keep his age a secret, 
and Nature abetted him to the best of her power. 

Frederic replied : 

"As for us Obotrites, we are in comparison with Europe what an 
ant-heap is to the park of Versailles. We arrange our little dwellings, 
we lay up provisions for winter, we work and vegetate in silence. 
My neighbour ant (the good milord Marechal, about whom you ask 
for news) is now over eighty-six. He is reading the work of Father 
Sanchez, De Matrimonio, to amuse himself, which makes him feel 
quite young again. As he is four years older than the protector of 
the Capuchins at Ferney, I hope the latter would yet give us some 
of his progeniture ; if he would do so it would be a good work." 

A traveller to Berlin at that time thus describes what 
he saw of Milord : 

' ' We dined almost every day with the Lord Marechal, who was 
then eighty-five years old and was still as vigorous as ever both in 
body and mind. The King had given him a house adjoining the 
garden of Sans Souci, and frequently went thither to see him. He 
had excused himself from dining with him, having found that his 
health would not allow him to sit long at table ; and he was, of all 
those who had enjoyed the favour of the King, the only one who 
could truly be called his friend, and who was sincerely attached 
to his person. Of course every one paid court to him. He was called 
the King's Friend, and was the only one who had deserved that 
title, for he always stood high in his favour without flattering him." 

Never in the slightest degree self-seeking, the Earl 
Marischall had no enemies, His kind heart, his sound 


common sense, and the moderation of his criticisms, 
made his opinion sought after. 

As is the case generally with very old people, his 
memory for the past was clear, while that of the pre- 
sent failed. At eighty-nine he neatly recalled to 
Finkenstein the persecution of Rousseau ten years 
before : 

" The very worthy Sacrogorgon (Montmollin) assured the people 
that Jean Jacques was very really the Antichrist in person, and he 
told the women that Rousseau said that they had no souls. Mar- 
tinet and four elders took sides with Rousseau in the Consistory 
and Colonel Pury came in with much effect. At last the Council of 
State opened every one's eyes by its decree." 

This is probably the Earl Marischall's last letter to 
Hugh Set on : 

" POTSDAM, March the 1st, 1777. 

" I am so very weake that I am not able to write to you ; my good 
Frinde Mr. Scott assists in writing this. What money of mine 
you have in your hands please give my nephew Mr. John Elphin- 
stone when He calls for it. My best wishes to you and the whole 
famylie. Ever, 


" Your most humble Servant, 


The words " ever " and " Marischall " are in his 
own handwriting. 

In 1778, after fifteen years of peace, Frederic once 
more took the field ; this time as an ally of Saxony 
against Austria. The Bavarian Succession disagree- 
ment presented a good opportunity of acquiring at least 
some portions of Saxony which he had always coveted. 
Frederic concentrated himself in Silesia ; Prince Henry 
marched in Saxony ; the Austrians gathered in Bohemia 
under Laudohn and the Kaiser Joseph. " The King's 


inclination to wage war is very slight," wrote the 
Kaiser; " but his desire for Lusatia is all the stronger/' 
The following was probably the Earl Marischall's 
last letter to his master before the latter went to the 
war : 

" 1778. 

" Lord Marischall lays himself at, Your Majesty's feet and thanks 
him f or' his kindness in enquiring after his health. For some days 
his sight has grown very weak, his legs are done for, and his head 
and his memory ; deaf into the bargain, he is a very bad guest at 
dinner. But if Your Majesty is having a repast a Vancienne egyp- 
tienne, I can well take my place. Heroditus, Book II, chapter 78." 

Frederic's departure probably shortened his old 
friend's days. He felt that he could not hope to see 
the King again. 

He took to his bed, with a high temperature, and 
lingered six weeks. But his natural sweetness of 
temper never left him, even under great suffering, 
patiently borne. To the doctor he gently said : 

" I do not ask you to make me live, for you cannot, it seems, take 
fifty years off my life. I only ask you to shorten my pain, if you 
can," and he added, with the calmness of a sage, " it would have 
been better to have been born among the Eskimos, who knock their 
old men on the head, instead of letting them die. After all,'* he 
continued peacefully, ' ' I have never been ill ; I must have my 
share of human miseries, and I submit to the decrees of Nature." 

Two days later he asked for Elliott, the British 
Minister at Berlin. 

" I have sent for you," he said, with his habitual cheeriness, " as 
I think it amusing that a minister of King George should receive 
the last breath of an old Jacobite. Besides, perhaps you have 
some message to give me for Lord Chatham [who had died fifteen 
days before], and, as I expect to see him to-morrow, or the day after, 
I will with pleasure take your despatches." 



The last Earl Marischall of Scotland died on May 23rd, 

Weeping, his own servants carried him to a humble 
grave. He had ordered that his funeral, attended with 
no ceremony, was only to cost three louis. *' I will 
not waste in such a miserable way," he said, " money 
which had better be employed in helping the poor." 


1780 TO 1820 

WE have seen, by the Earl MarischalFs testamentary 
directions, that his dependents European, Asiatic, and 
African were well provided for for life. Intimate 
friends even Rousseau received some souvenirs. The 
Kintore estates, with the old Castle of Hall Forest, given 
to the Keiths by King Robert I, and Keith Hall, with 
the title of the Earl of Kintore, devolved on Lord 
Halkertoun, as heir of entail. 

The other Keith property was divided among his 
grand-nephews, John, eleventh Lord Elphinstone, the 
Honourable William Fullerton Elphinstone, the Honour- 
able George Keith Elphinstone, who became Lord Keith. 
William Elphinstone, whom, as we have told, the Earl 
Marischall helped with money on his first voyage to 
India, to buy part of the cargo of the ship he com- 
manded, died chairman of the East India Company, and 
wealthy. These were the grandchildren of the Earl 
Marischairs only surviving sister, the Countess of 

" The male representation of the Marischall family, to which the 
office of Marischall, the title, and the estate, were uniformly destined, 
appears to be now vested in Alexander Keith of Dunnottar and 
Ravelstoun, descended from William, third Earl Marischall, all 
the male descendants of subsequent .Earls having failed/' 



On Ermetulla were settled the houses at Boulogne and 
Potsdam and such funds as the Earl Marischall was 
possessed of. 

Ermetulla really deserves our sympathy. At the 
death of her guardian she sustained an irreparable loss. 
The one being who had cared for her was gone ! Many 
lonely years still lay before her. For a long time she 
lived on at Potsdam and Berlin, clinging very much to 
Hugh Seton of Touch, who managed her affairs, and 
she was always interested, in her loneliness, in his 
family. She had made several friends in Scotland 
during her brief stay there with the Earl Marischall, 
and with the Smiths she kept up very friendly 

In 1780 Mrs. Charles Smith died, and Madame de 
Froment wrote to condole with Hugh Seton, whom she 
always called " grand patase." 

" Je suis bien fache mousieu d'apprendre que vous alles predre 
votre respectable mere ce cera un drand perte, jai encor quelque 
esperance veu son bonne temperament qu elle pourra resister a sa 
maladie. je ne vous accuse neulement de negligence pour ce que 
regard mes interre mais ce de me donner de vos nouvelles qui m 
interese pluss que mes affers ; vous aves bien raison de ne pas 
vous sousier des personnes tele que sans qui vous fon des reproche 
d'avoire fait une bonne oeuvre, leurs amitie ne deves pas flater 
une belle ame comme la votre a de tele procedee mon bonne Lord 
aura dit ce ne son pas des ecossoi et le bonne Mr. Smith aura dit 
God bles mis .... milles compliment de ma par a toutes votre 
emable familes ha qui je suis fache detre si loin d eus adieu grand 
patase je vous embrass de tout mon coeur et souhate que vous 
touvassie votre chere malade en meleur sante." 

* Three years later : 

" Mon bonne et emable ami je vien de recevoire votre lettre o 
comme vous maves rejoui je commence a minquiete de ce qui je 
nave de vos nouvelle depuis sic longtems, milles remercimen grand 
et bonne patasse pour le plaisir que vous maves procure dieu vous 

From a portrait at Carberry Tower in the possession of Lord Elphinstone. 

II. 308] 


le rend, je me porte ase bien je est passe trois moys de lannee en 
ville pour etre a porte de un peu de societe mais il y a ties pen ici ; 
milles complimenta Ladi Stuart [Barbara, Lady Steuart of Allan- 
bank, sister of Hugh Seton] a mis babe je leurs remercie bien de 
leurs souvenirs a que je serai contente si jai ete aporte de leur fair 
des visite tens en tens et a grand patasse a si quelque bonne vent 
pouves vous amene ici que je serai aise ; . . ." 

From Berlin, the following winter : 

" Je vien de reservoire votre lettre du 23 novembre je suis tres 
aise de savoir que vous porte bien ce lesansiele de ce que jai vouloit 
savoire, pour la dette d'obligation comme rien ne presse je ne 
pourai vous les envoye que a mon retour a potsdam que ne sera dans 
deux moys . . . j'ai faite connoissens ici avec un ecossoi qui se no me 
Coningue lui et sa femme me parais des bonnes gens je suis si aise 
de voir des ecossi cete un artiste il peint tre bien il compte de 
passe cette etee a potsdam pour dessiner les environs, il est frileu 
com moy ayant passe sa jeunesse en ytali nous faisons le projet 
daler dans ce pay la au lieu de nous morfondre ici. adieu mon ami, 
dieu vous conserve." 

" 22nd January, 1784. 

" Mon bonne ami, je vous est ecrit de berlin simblement pour 
vous donner de me nouvelles connoissan votre bonne cceur et votre 
amitie pour moy pour que vous ne soye pas en pein de ma sante. . . ." 

" 29th May, 1784. 

" Mon bonne ami j'ay resu votre tres obligent lettre du 10 May 
qui ma fait des plaisirs infini d apprendre que vous vous porte bien 
et que vous est pour moy toujours un bonne ami un bonne frere 
dont je suis bien flate, je ne veu plus pous parler de la vieller je ne 
veu pas que cela retomba sur mon ami grand patasse son belle 
ami serons toujours June toujours belle . . . vous ne me dites rien 
de votre amable famil jespor que tous ce borte bien et le patis. 
Jeme jeme majin que cete un bel June homme a presan. Adieu 
mon ami, dieu vous conserve en bonne sante et tous votre iamils." 

"March 24th, 1784, 
" Ne soye pas inquiete sur ma sante je suis une viele carcas qui 


na bonne a rien, conserves vous votre famille, vos amis a besoin de 
vous, adieu mon ami dieu vous garde. . . ." 

After a long residence in Prussia, Ermetulla de Fro- 
ment returned to Neuchatel, and took up her abode in 
a little villa just beyond Dupeyrou's splendid mansion, 
built in 1768; "Neuchatel est situe pres de I'hotel 
Dupeyrou," ran the local mot 

The low, two-storied, green- shuttered white house 
still exists. Its garden then ran down to the shore 
of the lake ; it looks across the water to the serrated 
white range of the Bernese Oberland. Two eighteenth- 
century summer-houses flank the ends of the little 
terrace. Here poor Ermetulla, to cheer her perpetual 
solitude, was wont to sit and play the flageolet ex- 
ceeding well. 

The years slipped on. The Prussians relinquished 
their hold on Neuchatel, the French clutched it. Mar- 
shal Berthier clanked it awhile at the chateau, as Prince 
of Neuchatel. Then the principality merged into the 
twenty-first canton of the Swiss Confederation. And 
still Ermetulla lived on, growing a little more peculiar, 
a little less happy. 

Around the little dark-eyed old lady of the Maison 
Bonhote Weiss grew up legend. Milord Marechal had 
become a mere memory such had been the rush of 
events of the later years of his century. The passing 
stranger, Colonel Denis Daniel de Froment, had been 
quite forgotten, and men imagined Ermetulla to be 
the widow of the Prussian Governor of Neuchatel of 
that name, dead a century before. She died in 1820, 
and must have been nearly a hundred years old. For 
none could tell the exact age of the little Turkish girl 
who had clung, to Marshal Keith's stirrup at the sack 
of Oczakow. 


Even over the pretty picture of Ermetulla clad in 
blue satin, with pearls in her dark hair now on the 
wall of an old Scotch castle, and a relic of her happy 
visit with the old Earl Marischall to the land of his 
fathers, hangs a veil of mystery. It is known only as 
" the portrait of a Turkish lady." 


THE last Earl Marischall of Scotland was buried in the 
common " God's Acre," as they call it, of Potsdam. 
No marble marks his unknown grave. 

But, a year later, that old and intimate friend, that 
congenial soul, d'Alembert, reared for him an enduring 
memorial in the Funeral Oration which he delivered 
before the Berlin Academy : 

" A feeble monument," he terms it, " which I consecrate to the 
venerated and cherished memory of this virtuous philosopher. 

" This Eulogy," it runs, " is in truth a very tender tribute exacted 
by the friendship with which Milord Marechal honoured me, and 
by the affectionate veneration with which this man of pure and 
classic morals, whom the best ages of Roman probity might have 
envied of our times, inspired me ; a true philosopher, who practised 
without preaching that wisdom which so many others preach 
without practising ; who united modesty with intelligence ; the 
gentlest simplicity with a great high-mindedness ; severity toward 
himself, with indulgence for others ; and who, by his character, 
his intellect, and his virtue deserved the friendship, the confidence, 
I might almost say the veneration, of a great King, himself too 
greatly respected to be offended with this expression." 

It matters less what a man does than what he is. 
Though a man of action, the last Earl Marischairs long 
and varied life was a record of failure. A keen thinker, 
a scholar, a deep reader, he left no works behind him, 
He was a wit, a raconteur, in an age of real conversa- 
tion ; but the art of the talker is almost as evanescent 



as that of the actor ; both practically die with the 
breath that gives them birth. 

" Avec de 1' esprit, des convenances, de 1' experience 
writes Denina, " avec toute la bonne volunte possible, avec du 
caractere et de la vertu, veu presque quatre-vingt ans sans 
avoir reussi dans une seule des affaires ou il fut employe, pas meme 
dans la querelle qu'on a suscite centre Jean Jacques Rousseau. II 
ne laissa ni ouvrage, ni famille. Et cependant on ne peut lui 
disputer les eloges dont on 1'a honore pendant sa vie et apres sa 
mort ; et il a certainement contribue a encourager les lettres et les 
arts a le cour de Prusse et a y repandre le gout pour la belle littera- 

It was the personal magnetism of a fine character 
" naturally good/' Plato would have called him charm, 
kindliness, term it what you will, that attracted to him 
all the important men of the day he came across that 
day of wonderful intellectual energy, as well as of 
terrible vicious activity, the eighteenth century. 

Throughout a very long span the Earl Marischall was 
in touch, officially and privately, with life in almost 
every country in Europe. In each he was acquainted 
not only with the most exalted personages, but also 
with every one worth knowing in philosophy, litera- 
ture, and art. For in each was he deeply interested. 

Brought up a High Church Tory, and employed, in 
an age of despotism, by absolute rulers whom he 
admired, loved, and faithfully served, yet he remained 
a born Liberal, a Republican Jacobite, " liking to praise 
those who had died for liberty." He had, quotes 
Elcho, " suckt in such Notions of Liberty and Inde- 
pendence, and of ye Meanness of Servile Flattery." 

The motto he took for his book-plate was Manus 
hcec inimica tyrannis. Much of his charm lay in this 
contrast of characteristics and of feelings. Yet he was 


no time-server, and, scrupulously honest, he carried out 
his family motto, Veritas vincit, to the letter. 

Mussell Stosch, his secretary, wrote to d'Alembert 
after Milord's death : 

" Lord Marischall was virtuous in the most rigorous sense of the 
word ; I have never known a man who could, like him, rummage 
in his conscience without finding any remorse ; and though he 
possessed and practised all the virtues, he was only strict towards 
himself, and had extreme indulgence for the frailties of humanity, 
always provided that they concealed no maliciousness. By the 
hatred he bore to malicious people one discovered that his indulgence 
was not a weakness of character and a cowardice." 

The concluding words of d'Alembert's Eulogy should 
appeal equally to modern readers as to those who 
heard them : 

" At least I have the satisfaction, which few panegyrists will 
envy me, in having hardly a single line of my own in the feeble 
monument which I have now consecrated to this venerated and 
beloved philosopher. Milord Marechal himself furnished me by 
his deeds and his words with the divers features of the picture 
I have just drawn, and I might entitle this work : Eulogy of a 
good man, written by himself. The faithful and true friend to whom, 
so to speak, he has dictated it, will reap the most pleasing reward 
of his zeal if, in attracting his readers to the interesting facts he has 
gleaned, he has never for a moment diverted to himself any of 
the attention he wished to concentrate entirely upon the object of 
his regrets." 

Perhaps the modern reader will pardon the twentieth- 
century biographer's attempt to catch something of 
the spirit of the eighteenth- century eulogist. I have 
endeavoured to let the last Earl Marischall speak for 
himself in his correspondence. My grateful thanks 
are due to those who have so kindly allowed me to 
make use of his letters, the greater number of which are 


now published for the first time to Lord Elphinstone, 
his collateral descendant ; Sir Douglas Seton-Steuart ; 
the Director of the Konigliches-Preussisches Haus- 
Archiv, Berlin ; Mr. Robert, Librarian of the Public 
Library, Neuchatel ; and the Editor of the Musee 
Neuchdteloise for the letters belonging to M. P. de 
Coulon ; to Mr. W. Dickeson for permission to use his 
"Jacobite Attempt of 1719." 

Also to the Marquis of Lansdowne ; the Earl of 
Kintore ; Lord Elphinstone, collateral descendants ; 
the Earl of Mar and Kellie ; Colonel Stewart Mackenzie 
of Seaforth ; the Librarian at Neuchatel ; Mr. A. M. 
Broadley ; the Principal of Marischal College, Aber- 
deen ; and the Director of the Musee des Beaux Arts, 
Neuchatel, for their very kind permission to reproduce 
portraits and engravings many hitherto unpublished. 



Alberoni, Cardinal, I. 83-85, 88, 89, 

92, 93 
Anne, Empress of Russia, I. 186- 

Anne, Queen of England, I. 16, 17, 

Argyle, John, Duke of, I. 25, 35, 

40, 44 
Atterbury, Bishop, I. 24, 25, 136- 

140, 161, 162 
letter to James Keith, I. 140 

Bertha, Queen of Burgundy, I. 302 
Boufflers, Comtesse de, I. 265 ; II. 


Braemar, I. 33 
Bruce, Robert the, I. 2 
Burnet, Alexander, II. 229 

Chaillet, Colonel de, letters to Field- 
Marshal Hon. James Keith, II. 
27-29, 30, 31 

Charles Edward, the Young Pre- 
tender, I. 131, 135, 157, 198, 
203-206, 208-210, 212-216, 218- 
220, 222, 223, 225-227, 234-237, 
241, 247, 249, 251, 273, 274, 284, 
285, 292, 293, 294-296; II. 19, 
20, 37 

letters to Chevalier de St. 
Georges, I. 199, 209, 210 

Earl Marischall, I. 207, 241, 

273, 285, 294 

Charles II of England, I. 8 
Charles III of Spain, II. 82, 83 
Chevalier de St. Georges, James 
Francis, I. 20, 30, 47, 49, 50-52, 
54, 55, 71-74, 79, 80, 90, 91, 125, 
131, 135, 136, 138, 154-156, 198, 

letters, to Earl Marischall, I. 
198, 249 

to Countess Marischall, I. 138 

to Duke of Ormonde, I. 126 

to Lord John Drummond, I. 


Conway, General, letters to Sir 
Robert Keith, I. 296, 297 

Crequy, Marquise de, I. 18-23, 

D'Alembert, I. 298, 299; II. 50, 

170, 183, 205, 212, 222, 301, 312, 


D'Argensen, I. 200, 209, 216, 217 
Denis, Mme., I. 279, 282 
Drummond, Lady Mary, Countess 

Marischall, I. 11, 138, 139, 146, 


Drummond, Lord John, I. 195 
Dunottar Castle, I. 4, 7, 8 ; II. 182 

Earl Marischall, William Keith, 
first Earl Marischall, I. 3 

William Keith, third Earl Mari- 
schall, I. 3 

William Keith, fourth Earl 
Marischall, I. 5 

George Keith, fifth Earl Mari- 
schall, I. 6 

William Keith, ninth Earl Mari- 
schall, I. 9 

George Keith, tenth and last 
Earl Marischall, birth and parent- 
age, I. 11 

early years, I. 13 

military career, I. 14, 15, 16 

visit to Paris, I. 17 

his love-story, I. 18-23 

life in London, I. 24 

loses an opportunity at the 

death of Queen Anne, I. 25 

resigns his commission under 

George I, I. 28 

joins Mar's rebellion, I. 31- 


proclaims James III at Aber- 
deen, I. 34, 35 

joins Mar at Perth, I. 35 

conduct there criticized, I. 36- 





Earl Marischall, George Keith, 
distinguishes himself at the battle 
of Sherriffmuir, I. 41, 43 

receives and proclaims the 

Chevalier at his house of Fet- 
teresso, I. 47 

left behind when the Che- 
valier escapes, I. 48 

bids farewell to Inverugie 

Castle, I. 58 

wanders in the Highlands, I. 


proscribed and condemned 

for treason, I. 64 

reaches Paris, I. 65 

quarrels with Mar, I. 66 

joins the Chevalier at Avig- 
non, I. 69 

recriminations with Mar, I. 


returns to Paris, I. 76 

inactive at Liege and Lou- 
vain, I. 79 

called by Ormonde and Al- 

beroni to Spain, I. 84 

reaches Madrid, I. 85 

plans expedition to Scotland, 

I. 89 ; sails from Passages, I. 91 

is delayed in the Western 

Isles, I. 95 

disembarks on Loch Alsh, I. 


want of unanimity with Tulli- 

bardine, I. 96-109 

battle of Glenshiel, I. 1 10-124 

escapes to Paris, I. 126 

imprisoned in the Pyrenees, 

I. 228 

to Rome, I. 129 

to Spain, I. 133 

returns to Rome, I. 135 

probably in England im- 
plicated in Atterbury Plot, I. 136 

at Avignon, I. 137 

in Spain, I. 138 

at the siege of Gibraltar, I. 


inactive years in Spain, I. 


recalled to Rome, I. 153 

with the Spanish Expedition 

to Morroco, I. 162 

at Avignon and Valentia, 

I. 173 

to Russia, I. 185 

returns to Paris and Spain, I. 


Earl Marischall, George Keith, 
plottings in Spain and Avignon, 
I. 191-195 

with Charles Edward at Bou- 
logne, I. 196 

failure of sailing of expedition 

to Scotland, I. 204-205 

attempts to dissuade Charles 

Edward, I. 206-207 

attempts negotiations with 

Louis XV for Charles Edward, I. 

to the Russian frontier and 

Berlin, I. 224 

to Venice, I. 225 

invited to service of Frederic 

the Great, I. 231 

life at Berlin, I. 233-244 

appointed Ambassador at 

Paris, I. 244 

Prussian diplomacy and Jaco- 
bite plottings in Paris, I. 249-261 

intellectual and social life in 

Paris, I. 262-266 

meeting with Mde. de Crequy, 

I. 267-269 

Jacobite plots, I. 278 

deals with Voltaire, I. 279- 


breaks with Charles Edward, 

I. 293-296 

appointed Governor of Neu- 
chatel, I. 300 ; II. 3, 4 

visits the Jura, II. 1 1-24 

visits to Voltaire, II. 39 

to Berlin, II. 43-55 

appointed Ambassador to 

Spain, II. 62, 68 

pardoned by George II, II. 73 

Embassy in Spain, II. 78, 81 

discovers Family Compact, 

II. 84-88 

to England, II. 91, 92 

Neuchatel disputes over dog- 
ma, II. 94-98, 103, 105-109 

takes oath of Allegiance to 

George II, II. 100 

returns to Neuchatel, II. 113 

his difficulties with provin- 
cial government, II. 115-127 

receives Rousseau at Neu- 
chatel, II. 128-139 

conversion and marriage of 

Ermetulla, II. 157-159 

resigns government of Neu- 
chatel, II. 162 

at Berlin, II. 162 



Earl Marischall, George Keith, 
in England, II. 173 

in Scotland, II. 175 

estates brought, II. 182 

estates sold, II. 199 

to Berlin, II. 201 

life at Potsdam, II. 206-10 

personal traits and anecdotes, 
II. 210-213 

Neuchatelois persecute Rous- 
seau, II. 218-219, 224-225, 239- 

divorce of Ermetulla, II. 249 

attempts to reconcile Rousseau 

and Hume, II. 262-273 

rebellion in Neuchatel, II. 


personal traits and anecdotes, 

II. 253, 289, 290 

closing years, II. 300-306 

testamentary dispositions, II. 


letters to d'Alembert, II. 

212, 302, 303 

to D'Argenson, I. 201 

to Baron de Brackel, II. 

282, 286-7, 301 

to Colonel de Chaillet, II. 

10, 98, 99. 103, 104, 105, 108, 114, 
163, 164, 167, 168, 217, 218, 226, 
231, 243, 250, 251 

to Prince Charles Edward, 

I. 207, 208, 293, 295, 296 

to Madame Denis, I. 280, 


to Dupeyrou, II. 269, 271, 

272, 274, 275, 

to Drummond, Lord John, 

I. 194 

to Ermetulla, II. 176 

to Edgar, I. 233, 247 

Frederick II, King of Prus- 
sia, I. 256-259, 260, 261, 272, 275, 
277, 281, 283 

to Forbes, Sir Arthur, II. 


to Goring, I. 250, 251 

to Hamilton, General Eze- 

kiel, I. 176-183 

to Hume, David, II. 139, 

152, 153, 157, 158, 161, 179, 180, 
183, 186, 187, 204, 205, 222, 223, 
225, 226, 251, 261, 267, 268, 285, 

to James Francis, Che- 
valier de St. Georges, I. 190, 212, 
247, 243 

Earl Marischall, George Keith, 
letters to Keith, Hon. James, I. 
147-149, 150-154, 158, 159, 160- 
163, 167, 168, 170-175, 229-230, 
262-263 ; II. 6, 8, 25, 26, 31-34 

to Keith, Colonel Sir 

Robert Murray, II. 292, 297 

to Madame de Marches, II. 


to Meuron, II. 239, 240 

to Mitchell, Sir Andrew, II. 

74, 80, 88, 89-101 

to Riva, Signer, II. 230 

to Rousseau, J. Jacques, 

II. 130, 131, 134, 135, 141-144, 
148-155, 159, 160, 166, 169, 170, 
172, 177, 178, 185, 188, 189, 
191, 192, 195, 196, 200-203, 207, 
208, 214, 216, 220, 221, 227, 228, 
231, 233, 235-238, 240-243, 248, 
256-264, 266, 267, 269, 270, 272, 

to Seton, Hugh of Touch, 

II. 246-249, 252-255, 283-285, 
296, 298, 304 

of Wall, Richard, II. 62 

Edgar, I. 195 

Elcho, Viscount, I. 199, 211, 225- 
228,286; II. 4, 16, 36, 55, 58, 
115, 116 

Elizabeth, Empress of Russia, I. 
223, 224, 228, 289 

Elizabeth of Parma, Queen of Spain, 
I. 79-82, 139, 140, 144; II. 61, 
79, 82, 

Elphinstone, William, II. 248, 252, 

Ermetulla, Mme de Froment, I. 
191, 196, 225, 227, 228, 266 ; II. 
43, 157, 171, 172, 176, 216, 249- 
251, 284, 296, 298, 299, 308-311 
letters to Hugh Seton, II. 308- 

Ferdinand VI of Spain, II. 61, 78-80 
Fetteresso House, I. 47 ; II. 182 
Frederic II, King of Prussia, I. 230, 
233, 238, 239, 241-243, 255-261, 
270-273, 277, 279, 282-288, 290, 
291, 297-300 ; II. 3, 5, 6, 9, 10, 
17, 18, 31-35, 37, 38-45, 48-60, 
62, 64-72, 75, 77, 78, 80-84, 89, 
93, 94, 99, 100, 103, 106, 109, 113, 
114, 119, 122, 123, 129, 130, 132, 
133, 140, 141, 144, 146, 147, 150, 
164-165, 171, 173, 174, 184, 187, 
194, 195, 201, 206, 209-211, 



213, 217, 230, 235, 263, 285, 290, 
295, 299, 300, 303-305 
Frederic II, King ofj Prussia, 
letters to Earl Marischall, I. 243, 
244, 256, 270-273, 278, 279, 283, 
284, 290, 291, 297-299, 300 ; II. 
9, 10, 18, 33-36, 38, 39, 44, 45, 
47-50, 52, 53, 57-59, 65, 66, 69, 
72, 77-82, 93, 106, 107, 109, 113, 
114, 123, 124, 130, 133, 134, 144, 
145, 150, 162, 174, 187, 188, 192, 
194, 195 

to George II, II. 70 

to Voltaire, II. 299, 303 

Geoffrin, Madame, I. 264, 266 ; II. 

58, 205 

George I, I. 26, 27, 28 
George II, II. 70-72, 91 
George III, II. 91, 111 
Gibraltar, siege of, I. 141-143 
Glenshiel, battle of, I. 110, 122 
Goring, I. 250, 251, 274 

Hamilton, General Ezekiel, I. 177- 

letters to Earl Marischall, I. 176- 

Hanbury-Williams, I. 242 
Hay, Earl of Inverness, I. 80 
Henry, Prince of Prussia, letter to 

Earl Marischall, II. 46, 47 
Horse Grenadier Guards, I. 15, 16 
Hume, David, II. 19, 107, 111, 112 

letters to Blair, II. 181 

to Fergusson, II. 181 

to Pringle, II. 111,112 

Inese, Abbe, I. 66 

letter to Earl of Mar, I. 66 
Inverugie Castle, I. 13, 58 ; II. 183, 

198, 199 

Keiths, legends of, I. 1 
Keith, Sir Robert, I. 2 

Hon. James Francis Edward, 
Prussian Field-Marshal, I. 11, 27 
41, 53, 56, 62, 64, 86, 87, 91, 95, 
100, 110, 127-129, 132, 133, 141 
143-145, 147-154, 157, 158-163 
167, 168, 170, 172-176, 185-191 
198, 224, 228, 229, 230, 231, 234 
243, 262, 263, 289; II. 39, 51 
56, 57, 60, 189, 202, 292 

letters to Earl Marischall, I 
231, 289 ; II. 45, 51, 57 

Keith, Bishop Robert, of Uras, I. 

3, 14 
Keith, Sir Robert, of Craig, I. 261 ; 

II. 292, 293, 297 
Keith, Colonel Sir Robert Murray 

Keith, of Craig, II. 292, 293 

letters to Sir Robert Keith, II. 
292, 293, 295, 296 

to Anne Keith, II. 293, 294 
Keith, Alexander, of Ravelstoun, 

II. 253, 307 
Keith Hall, II. 177 
Kelly, George, I. 235, 236 
Kintore, first Earl of, I. 8 

Liria, Duke of, I. 87, 139, 141, 142, 

Mar, John, Earl of, I. 29, 33, 42, 68, 
70, 71, 81, 82, 96, 97, 136, 139 

letters to Duke of Perth, I. 67 

to Abbe Inese, I. 67-69, 70, 71 

to Hooke, I. 71 

to Earl Marischall, I. 81 

Maria Beatrix, wife of James II of 

England, I. 65, 78, 83 
Maria Clementina, wife of Chevalier 

de Saint Georges, I. 131, 157 
Marischall College, I. 14 
Marlborough, Duke of, 15, 16, 27 
Meston, William, I. 30, 47, 48, 58 
Meuron, II. 21 
Mitchell, Sir Andrew, II. 91 
Morocco expedition, I. 164-166 

Neuchatel, history of, I, 301-312 

of Counts of, Ulrich de Fenis, 


of Ulrich II, I. 302 

of Rudolph V, I. 303 

of Louis, I. 303 

of Conrad of Hochberg, I. 303 

of John, I. 303 

of Rudolph, I. 304 

of Leonor, I. 307 

of Henri I, I. 307 

of Henri II, I. 307 

Countess Isabel, I. 303 
of Jeanne, I. 304 

of Duchesse de Nemours, 1. 309 

Ormonde, James, Duke of, I. 16, 17, 
24, 25, 27, 79, 83, 84, 88, 90-94, 
98, 108, 126, 193, 199, 215 

letters to Alberoni, I. 88, 89 
to DiUon, I. 84 

to Duke of Gordon, I. 90 



Ormonde, James, Duke of, letters 
to Chevalier de Saint Georges, I. 
84, 91 

of Earl of Mar, I. 79 

of Earl Marischall, I. 85, 92, 

108, 109 

Oxburgh, I. 236, 237 

Paterson, letter to Mar, I. 77 
Perth, James, fourth Earl of, first 

Duke of, I. 12, 65 
Petitpierre, Ferdinand Olivier, II. 

6, 94-97, 103, 120 
Philip V. of Spain, I. 139, 170 
Pickle, the Spy, I. 252-254, 256, 258, 

259, 284, 292 
Pury, Abram de, II. 241 

Rousseau, Jean Jacques, II. 128, 
144, 151-156, 166-170, 172, 178, 

i 185, 188-192, 201-203, 207, 208, 
214-243, 256-279 

letters to Earl Marischall, II. 
129, 132, 140, 141, 143, 144, 156, 
190, 191, 1^6, 197, 202, 214, 216, 
220-222, 234, 235, 265-267, 271, 
273, 275-278 

to Frederic II, II. 129, 141 

Saxe, Comte Marechal de, I. 202- 

210, 234 
Seaforth, Earl of, I. 91, 97, 100, 103, 

106, 113-116, 120-122, 125 
Seton, Hugh, II. 175, 177, 179, 199, 

246-249, 252-253, 256, 308-310 
Sherriffmuir, battle of, I. 40 
Sinclair, John St. Glair, Master of, 

I. 36, 38, 42 
Smith, Charles, II. 175, 308 

Tullibardine, Marquis of, I. 78, 91, 
97-99, 102-107, 109, 111, 113, 
114, 116, 120, 123, 124 

letters to Earl of Mar, I. 111- 
114, 122 

Voltaire, I. 239, 240, 245, 270-273, 
179, 282, 283, 288, 290 ; II. 17, 
33, 162, 216, 299 

letters to the Margravine of 
Baden-Durlach, II. 76 

to Countess Lutzelburg, II. 76 

to D'Argensen, I. 245 

to Madame Denis, I. 245, 246 

to Earl Marischall, II. 59 

Walpole, Horace, I. 21 ; II. 75 

letter to General Conway, II. 75 







Cuthell, Edith E 

The Scottish friend 
of Frederic the Great